https://ironna.jp/article/7764
Miki Kimura
(Professor, Graduate School of International Cooperation, Kobe University)
KoreaContextProblemSolvedWartimeWorkerProblem1
KoreaContextProblemSolvedWartimeWorkerProblem2
「朝鮮人戦時労働者」解決した事柄をまた問題にする韓国の裏事情１
「朝鮮人戦時労働者」解決した事柄をまた問題にする韓国の裏事情２
Another reason that the parties have power
in the Korean wartime labor problem is that the movement
or organization is carried out by the bereaved ,
especially the children , rather than the mobilized parties .
Today,
more than 70 years after the end of World War II,
the average age of former comfort women and Korean wartime workers
is over 90, and naturally they are active and organized
by themselves Is impossible.
On the other hand,
their bereaved one generation younger than that is still around 70s
and continues to develop active movement.
Former comfort women are,
by their nature, many who do not have children,
and even in the presence of children,
in the current situation where social bias against comfort women still exists,
the bereaved of the comfort women actively come out on their own The hurdle
to be active is also high.
On the other hand, there is no reason for the former military personnel,
civilians and the survivors of the Korean wartime workers to have to come out,
and they have been active for many years .
Naturally, unlike athletic organizations that tend to be organized ideologically,
the groups that the bereaved create include a wide variety of people .
Therefore the ideological color is vague.
Another important point is that those involved
in the Korean wartime labor problem have been separated
from comfort women who have been
led by the Korean government and leftist movement groups.
There are many things.
The logic is easy.
At the same World War II,
comfort women have attracted much attention
and have been well protected,
though they were mobilized for Japan to carry out the war.
On the other hand, the government's attitude toward
former military personnel, civilians and Korean wartime workers is not.
The funds obtained by the Korean government
from the Korea-Japan Basic Treaty and its supplementary agreements,
which were concluded under the right-wing administration
of Park Chung-hee in 1965,
are for individuals such as former military personnel,
military personnel and Korean wartime workers.
The right to claim was one of the grounds.
Nevertheless,
their compensation from the Korean government was extremely limited .
The same was true for the leftist regime.
The Roh Moo-hyun administration focused on the issue
of historical awareness
Although compensation was made through
the "Competition for Forced Mobilization Damage Investigation against
Japan and Forced Foreign Mobilization Victims Support Committee
(Support Committee)", the examination was sometimes cold.
Under the confrontation situation with the Right faction,
the Roh Moo-hyun administration will not only strengthen its confrontation
with Japan on history recognition issues,
but also tackle pro-Japanese issues in the country.
The key point is that the movement of Korean wartime workers
and their bereaved families has been carried out
with the former military personnel and the bereaved families under
the framework of the "bereaved society".
Some military personnel and military personnel tend
to be classified as pro- Japanese, as officers and volunteers,
who have voluntarily cooperated with the Japanese rule,
and they were sometimes denied the right to receive compensation .
"When It heard that It could receive compensation and applied for it,
it returned
"Your father was pro-Japanese ," he said.
There are not one or two bereaved family members.
"After all, we are cut off again this time"
"Why only
comfort women and the groups that support
the movement are favored ."
Such a persistent complaint is being heard at the bereaved society.
For them,
Korea's right-wing is people who undermined
Park Chung-hee's administration and stole funds obtained
by the Japan-Korea Basic Treaty
and its supplementary agreements,
and the left-wing saw them as " pro-Japan " It is people who keep going .
"The things that can not be trusted are the same
for the Japanese and Korean governments ."
The complicated situation over the Korean wartime worker problem
has a long history of suffering from the "bereaved society"
composed of former military personnel,
military members, and Korean wartime workers .
And during such a press conference on August 17,
about the Korean wartime worker problem
“ Moon Jae-in ”, who has taken a stance of taking up the right
to claim “private claims remain,”
is about to come back at a telephone summit meeting
with Prime Minister Abe on May 25 just a week later. In turn ,
they confirmed that the Korean wartime labor problem
had been resolved under the Japan-Korea Basic Treaty .
Seeing and hiding behind the swaying Korean government
is an inconsistent attitude over the issue,
and the bereaved will read the insincere attitude
of the Korean government there.
If they really trust the Korean government and have established
a cooperative relationship, they should only keep silent and watch over it.
Nevertheless,
they think that they are not enough to be "in Korea" interested in this issue
as they stand up and even try to partner with the leftist labor union,
which is sometimes ideologically distant It is because
The movement to create a comfort woman in front of the Japanese embassy
was in full swing when it came to a confrontation
between Teitye-kye and the right-wing Lee Myung-bak administration,
and there In addition to the Japanese government,
there was a point of criticism against the Lee Myung-bak government.
And now,
Korean wartime workers are trying to stand up everywhere.
There is a complex thought of labor unions and bereaved among them,
among which the left-wing Moon Jae-in administration
has not been able to set a clear stance .
In Korea, there are many conservatives among the elderly,
so some of the bereaved, who are dominated by the elderly,
have many who are strongly rejected by the leftist government.
In this way,
while the image of Korean wartime workers is an objection
to Japan's past liquidation,
former military personnel, civilians, Korean wartime workers, etc.
It turns out that it is
a dissatisfaction expression to the Korean government
and the movement group
which does not deal with "problems other than comfort women".
The Korean government is not in a position
to control various movement groups etc.
and hit a challenge letter to Japan,
but rather suppresses this repulsion and struggles to find where to drop.
The problem is not that they are centered on the government,
but rather that the Korean government has lost the ability
of the parties in this matter .
It have no choice but to agree on the activities
of various groups and court decisions
The existence of the “ weak Korean government ”
may be the core of the problem .
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