強姦罪(現強制性交等罪)が犯罪なのは暴力を伴っているのでそれはそうなんだろうけど、不同意性交が犯罪なのは「性交そのものが違法」という刑法だけを勉強し過ぎた井田先生(在日)の観念の流れなんだろうな。

民法とのリンケージに失敗した暴論であり、不同意堕胎罪が母体の決断であるのに対して不同意性交が相手のいる事であるのに同じ「不同意」という言葉を用いているのも不合理、事後いつでも不同意だった事に切り替える事もできる。大和機関あるいは女体が精製した念話実体による和姦を前提とした同意を前提とすれば良いという私によるフォローがなければ天下の悪法と言わざるを得ない。

刑法は13才未満との猥褻行為を一律禁止しており(13才未満同士も同様に禁じていると解すべき)、16才未満との性交を禁じており(16才未満同士も同様に禁じていると解すべき)、青少年健全育成条例は18才未満との性交または性交類似行為を一律禁止している(18才未満同士も同様に禁じていると解すべき)ので、結局、大人同士の恋愛を除くと小学生のラッキースケベと大学生のインスタントな即戦力恋愛だけが合法という事か。無理ゲーだな

男系天皇制による「ホモソーシャルが女体をゲットする正当性原理」という効能が失われていた事は明らかであり、女子を男社会に対して劣位に組み込む政治的な圧力に対するバランスを取る役割を担うべき皇女界が男系天皇制を唱導した事変は何もかも間違っていたが、私・遠山玲央の学理錬成だけがユニークスキルとして破滅の天蓋に覇を唱えており、天皇制の民事時効・刑事時効は、遠山の学理の思考実験の中では解除されたと見做して(反証があれば覆る)良いだろう。

世界政治に定立された3つの戦争が生成する政治空間となっている政治が存在する全てのフィールドは、遠山の学理の思考実験に13才〜18才の恋愛適齢期の若者をいざなうだろう。

恋愛局面と投資戦略は自己責任、政治的責任を取った処では自由が利く。有権者教育は25年目に突入である。

While rape (now known as the crime of forced sexual intercourse, etc.) is a crime because it involves violence—which makes sense—the idea that non-consensual sexual intercourse is a crime likely stems from Professor Ida (a resident of Japan), who has studied the Penal Code too intensively and holds the view that “sexual intercourse itself is illegal.”


It is a reckless argument that fails to link with the Civil Code. It is also unreasonable to use the same term “non-consensual” for non-consensual sexual intercourse—which involves another person—and for non-consensual abortion, which is a decision made by the mother. Furthermore, one could always claim after the fact that there was no consent. Without my own clarification—that consent should be based on consensual intercourse involving a mental entity refined by the Yamato Institution or the female body—I must say this is a truly terrible law.


The Penal Code uniformly prohibits lewd acts with persons under 13 years of age (which should be interpreted as also prohibiting such acts between persons under 13), and prohibits sexual intercourse with persons under 16 years of age (which should be interpreted as also prohibiting such acts between persons under 16). and the Ordinance on the Sound Development of Youth uniformly prohibits sexual intercourse or acts analogous to sexual intercourse with persons under 18 (which should be interpreted as also prohibiting such acts between persons under 18). So, in the end, does this mean that aside from romantic relationships between adults, only elementary school students’ “lucky pervy” encounters and college students’ instant, no-strings-attached flings are legal? That’s an impossible game.


It is clear that the efficacy of the “principle of legitimacy whereby the homosocial order acquires female bodies”—a function of the male-line imperial system—had been lost. The incident in which the imperial princesses, who should have played a role in balancing the political pressure that subordinates women to male-dominated society, instead advocated for the male-line imperial system was entirely wrong. However, only my—Reo Toyama’s—theoretical refinement stands as a unique skill, asserting supremacy under the canopy of doom. it is reasonable to consider that the civil and criminal statutes of limitations of the imperial system have been lifted within the thought experiments of Toyama’s academic theory (subject to reversal if refuted).


Every field where politics exists—as a political space generated by the three wars established in world politics—will draw young people aged 13 to 18, who are in their prime for romance, into Toyama’s theoretical thought experiment.


Romantic relationships and investment strategies are a matter of personal responsibility; freedom prevails where political responsibility is assumed. Voter education is entering its 25th year.