Prime Minister Christopher Luxon delivers State of the Nation speech
But to all of you, can I say welcome to 2026. It's going to be a truly great year. The economy is growing. The kids are almost back at school again. And after a great Kiwi summer break, and just like Kiwis up and down the country, I can tell you the National Party is knuckling down and getting back to work.
And I guess I have one very very simple message for you today and that is that national is fixing the basics and building the future. And so today I want to firstly speak about the progress that we've made for New Zealanders so far. And then I'll spend a little bit more time speaking about the global backdrop and nationals priorities heading into this year's election uh as we present our plan to then build out the future.
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon delivers State of the Nation speech
Kia ora (マオリ語） and good afternoon everyone. It’s wonderful to have the opportunity to speak with you all today.
Uh, can I just acknowledge Simon and all of the Oakland Chamber and for hosting us here today uh in partnership with Kiwi Bank. Uh, Simon, your advocacy on behalf of business here in in Oakland uh has absolutely been relentless.
uh you keep making the case and beating the drum uh for more productivity and more prosperity and I think the country is much better served by all your efforts. So thank you mate for what you do. Uh can I just also acknowledge National Party President Sylvia Wood who's here alongside our national ministers and national MPs that are here today.
Uh particularly Nicola Willis, uh Chris Bishop, Simeon Brown, Paul Goldsmith, Louise Upston, Judith Collins, Shane Reetti, Mark Mitchell, Simon uh Watts, and also Chris Pink. And can I acknowledge the Oakland based MPs that are here, Dan Bido, uh Paulo Garcia, Cameron Brewer, Carlos Chong, Melissa Lee, Greg Fleming, and Nancy Lou.
Welcome to 2026, it’s going to be a great year.
The economy is growing, the kids are almost back to school and, after a great summer break, just like Kiwis up and down the country, National is knuckling down and getting back to work.
I have one simple message for you today.
National is fixing the basics and building the future.
Today, I firstly want to speak about the progress we’ve made for New Zealanders so far.
Then I’ll spend a little bit of time speaking about the global backdrop, and National’s priorities heading into this year’s election, as we present our plan to build the future.
It’s been a challenging period for Kiwis and the New Zealand business community over the last five years.
Yes, we’ve made a lot of progress.
Inflation has fallen from over 7 per cent to just 3 per cent.
Interest rates have dropped considerably, with families re-fixing from mortgage rates starting with a 7, to those starting with a 4 or a 5.
Business confidence and consumer confidence has risen significantly, now translating into greater levels of investment and retail activity.
I know many of you will be frustrated that this recovery, now starting to blossom nationwide, has taken so long to get traction.
For many months it felt like the improving economic conditions at farm gates and on the main streets of Christchurch and Queenstown would never filter through to Queen Street, Newmarket and Lambton Quay.
And in the middle of last year, when emerging green shoots were rapidly cut down by tariff shocks and global uncertainty, it felt like we were back at square one.
That period was difficult, especially here in Auckland. But I remain of the view that we got the balance right.
There were calls at the time for a big fiscal stimulus and to open the immigration gates and pump up house prices.
As I spoke about last year, we can’t risk repeating the sugar-rush economics of the past.
Rapidly rising house prices and more borrowing might have felt good in the moment, but in the long-run those actions ultimately just make us poorer as a society.
I understand that’s been challenging in the near term, but it is encouraging a critical shift in the New Zealand economy, away from speculation and towards productive economic activity, supporting higher incomes and more jobs.
It was positive to see that in the latest GDP data published in December, it was manufacturing, exports and business investment underpinning the bounce back.
It’s been two years of hard work – in government, from businesses large and small, and from every New Zealander.
But I feel more confident than ever that the recovery has now arrived and Kiwis can look forward to a year which is brighter than the last few.
Just last week, NZIER’s latest survey showed business confidence at its highest level since 2014.
Business NZ’s PMI indicator released on Friday shows growth in manufacturing is stronger than at any time since December 2021 and higher many of our global peers.
And while last year there were pockets of optimism in the South Island and in the rural economy, conditions now seem to be improving nationwide.
According to Westpac, Auckland is now the strongest region for consumer confidence.
And in the construction industry, which has struggled through a period of high interest rates and financial pressure, a recovery also appears to be underway.
Building consents are rising, up around 20 per cent in the last six months. And according to Seek, job advertisements in construction have risen by around 30 per cent in the last year.
In short, there’s real cause for optimism. My focus now is translating that optimism into real results for New Zealanders in 2026: with more jobs, higher incomes, and the best possible shot at a better life.
Sensible spending and tight fiscal management is a critical part of our economic agenda.
At the half-year update in December, the Government confirmed a path back to surplus in 2028/29, supported by tight budgets in the coming years.
However, tight budgets have become standard practice for this government.
In just the last two years, our Minister of Finance, Nicola Willis, has delivered savings of around $11 billion per annum, equivalent to around $5,000 for every single household in the country.
I know generating those savings hasn’t been easy, but they have provided the necessary headroom to deliver tax relief, invest in the frontline services Kiwis rely on and maintain a path back to surplus over the forecast period.
New Zealand simply has to get its finances in order if it is to achieve a long-term improvement in its economic prospects.
That’s why there will be more savings in this year’s Budget and no room for extravagant election promises.
Let’s be straight up with each other.
Any party that wants to ramp up spending is being economically irresponsible.
Because the only way to spend more money is to borrow it or to raise taxes.
Borrowing more would lift our debt to dangerous levels, while raising taxes would snuff out the recovery and send Kiwis overseas.
So, National is going to campaign on being responsible managers of the economy, who make the right decisions to fix the basics and build our future.
We’ve had to also fix the basics on education too.
Like many of you in this room, I had an outstanding state education here in New Zealand that enabled me to work all over the world.
As Prime Minister, I am determined to give that same shot in life to every child growing up in New Zealand today.
But, when we entered office,
§ more than half of our kids were not attending school regularly,
§ 80 per cent of 13-year-olds were not where they should have been in Maths,
§ and half of them were not where they needed to be in Reading.
Now, in just two short years, we’ve achieved a huge amount.
Yes, we’ve banned mobile phones and mandated an hour a day of reading, writing and maths.
But thanks to Erica Stanford, we have also delivered a new structured approach to teaching literacy and numeracy and introduced whole new curriculums for Maths and English in primary schools.
Already, the number of new entrants achieving where they should be in phonics has gone from a dismal 36 per cent to 58 per cent. The number of students exceeding expectations has doubled.
There’s more to do, but no doubt about it we are fixing the basics in education.
And take law and order.
Alongside the economy, the extent of lawlessness throughout New Zealand was the issue Kiwis were most frustrated by at the last election.
Between 2017 and 2023, violent crime rose 30 per cent, gang membership increased by 50 per cent, retail crime doubled and ram raids quadrupled.
Many of the business owners in this room will have had their own stores robbed, or dairies and liquor stores in their communities ram raided or robbed at knife point.
So, thanks to the efforts of Mark Mitchell and Paul Goldsmith, we embarked on a programme of major reform to keep Kiwis safe at home, at work and in the community.
We have cracked down on gangs and banned their patches in public.
We have delivered tougher sentencing laws, so offenders do real time.
We have given more powers to Police, and put more of them out on the beat.
There’s more to do, especially in the Auckland CBD, where the Government and Auckland Council have agreed to focus more attention.
But the overall results have been exceptional – 38,000 fewer victims of violent crime, youth offending down by 16 per cent and ram raids down by 85 per cent.
When it comes to violent and retail crime, we’re fixing the basics.
In short, we are in a stronger position as a country than we were just two short years ago.
But as positive as those results have been, just fixing the basics isn’t enough.
Yes, because we have an obligation to leave a lasting legacy of prosperity and opportunity for our children and our grandchildren. But also, because, in a more volatile and unstable world, we can’t afford to be complacent.
For 70 years now, smaller countries like New Zealand have been able to manage our relationships with other countries according to established rules.
At the same time, the rising tide of free and open trade has encouraged greater economic integration, dynamic new middle-classes in the Indo-Pacific and a wealth of new opportunities for New Zealand’s export industries.
Today, our global rules-based system is rupturing.
I’ve spoken previously about the three big shifts that make for challenging times ahead for our world.
First, we are seeing rules giving way to power.
Previously, we could count on countries respecting the UN Charter, the Law of the Sea and the rules of global trade.
But in an age of sharper competition, we’re seeing a pattern of countries respecting international law only when it suits them and ignoring the rules when it does not.
Second, we are witnessing a shift from economics to security.
National security demands are expanding. Governments need to protect their people and assets against economic coercion, foreign interference, cyberattacks and terrorism.
In the Indo-Pacific, there’s a rising risk of a dangerous miscalculation.
The bottom line is, a country can’t have prosperity without security, not least when the tools of commerce themselves require protection.
And third, efficiency is giving way to resilience.
Our future prosperity can no longer be treated as an inevitable by-product of global rules and institutions.
Trading arrangements are becoming less certain and less efficient, as businesses adapt to a world where tariffs and protectionism, once out of fashion, have made a raging comeback.
Against that shifting international backdrop, our Government has acted carefully and decisively.
It’s why, in concert with our friends and partners, we are using what agency we have to champion our values and interests on the world stage – supporting Ukraine to resist Russia’s illegal invasion and bringing the EU and CPTPP together to reinforce the rules of global trade.
It’s also why the Government has agreed to significantly lift defence expenditure in the coming years.
Despite decades of under-investment, the men and women of the New Zealand Defence Force do an outstanding job, keeping Kiwis safe and promoting peace and security in our region.
But in a more dangerous world, it would be reckless to continue that trend and keep banking the dividends of peace.
Lifting defence expenditure means New Zealand can keep doing our part contributing to regional security, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief efforts.
And in a more competitive and cut-throat world, it also supports New Zealand to develop our own defence industry here at home.
Finally, we are capitalising on the geopolitical moment by acting decisively to deepen our portfolio of relationships, particularly in the Indo-Pacific.
In just the last two years, we’ve upgraded our partnerships with Singapore, Viet Nam, Korea, all the ASEAN countries and a range of other Asian friends.
We have maximised the opportunities from the EU and UK FTAs, while also concluding new deals with the UAE and GCC.
And, just before Christmas, we finalised a new feature to our relationship with India, with its 1.4 billion people and rapidly growing economy.
When many said it was impossible, we got on with the job of concluding a landmark Free Trade Agreement with India in less than a year.
That agreement eliminates and reduces tariffs on 95 per cent of New Zealand’s exports, with almost 57 per cent duty-free on day one of the agreement coming into force – making our businesses more competitive, creating jobs, and lifting incomes.
We might live in volatile times, but this Government is nonetheless working at pace to position and secure New Zealand’s interests offshore.
We’re out hustling and talking to different partners, forging deeper defence and economic partnerships.
But New Zealand isn’t alone.
Every country is facing the same challenges.
And New Zealand, relative to other countries, is well positioned.
Virtually everybody wants to do more with New Zealand.
We have what the world wants, we’re a reliable partner, we have the values to which most of the world aspire and we’re an increasingly confident nation with ambition.
That’s ultimately good for our economy and our country’s future.
But a more volatile and uncertain world underscores the importance of controlling what we can.
The more we are building our economy at home and developing and diversifying those relationships abroad, the stronger New Zealand gets.
We can control the energy and ambition we bring to building a future for every single New Zealander here at home.
We can control the posture and confidence we bring to asserting our interests offshore, making the case for our values and our future.
More than ever, now is the moment for decisive action.
Whether you’re driving trucks, making coffee, herding cattle or getting ready to take on the world, I want to unleash the extraordinary potential of this country so you can get ahead.
Higher incomes, more jobs and a better shot at the Kiwi dream.
Ultimately, that’s why I came to politics.
To leave a legacy of prosperity, ambition, hope and opportunity for our children and our grandchildren.
So, kids growing up in Christchurch, like me, can see a real future for themselves here at home – raising a family, building a career, or starting a business.
For two years, National has been fixing the basics.
Now heading into the election this year, National will campaign on a bold plan to build the future and leave a legacy of prosperity and opportunity for future generations.
That will include three big changes already partly underway: KiwiSaver reform, NCEA reform, and RMA reform.
Each represent a generational challenge facing the country and each have been put off for far too long by governments unable or unwilling to confront them.
But the country is impatient of waiting for a future, that without serious reform, may never arrive.
National has a vision – of a more prosperous, confident future, with more opportunity for every single New Zealander.
And we intend to make that vision a reality.
First, KiwiSaver.
If we’re serious about building the future, we need to increase our level of ambition for retirement savings.
You might have seen last year, National launched its first election policy – to gradually increase employer and employee contributions over time, rising to 6 per cent each by 2032, and a combined contribution of 12 per cent, matching Australia.
It’s a policy driven by several objectives.
First, to support New Zealanders’ financial security, against a backdrop of an aging society and an inevitable lift in the retirement age.
Second, to establish a spine of national capital, sheltered from the winds of financial and political change offshore, and available to invest in the businesses and infrastructure here at home that we will need to become richer as a society.
And third, to improve the returns from work and make New Zealand a more attractive place to build a career and raise a family, by closing the gap with Australia on superannuation contributions.
We have announced these changes early, so employers and employees have plenty of time to prepare, but over time we expect they will lead to much larger retirement balances.
For a 21-year-old earning $65,000, and making default contributions in line with the changes already delivered at this year’s Budget, they could expect to retire with around $1 million in their KiwiSaver account by the time they turn 65.
Following National’s proposed changes, that same individual could expect their KiwiSaver balance to be around $400,000 larger – or around $1.4 million in total – assuming they increase their contributions to the planned higher default rates over time.
That’s a big change, it’s critical to our plan to build the future, and it will only happen with a National Government after this year’s election.
Second, is the proposed end of NCEA.
Education is a critical part of our plan to achieve a step-change in the New Zealand economy, enabling investment in digitalisation, technology and, ultimately, higher paying jobs that improve our collective quality of life.
And as I spoke about earlier, our Government’s education reform programme is already well underway in primary and intermediate schools.
When those students reach secondary school, the national qualification they ultimately receive should reflect the same high standards and ambition we expect throughout their earlier years of education.
In August last year, Erica Stanford and I announced our plans to do exactly that and replace NCEA.
The truth is that while NCEA was designed to be flexible, for many students that flexibility has encouraged a focus on just getting the qualification, coming at the cost of developing the critical skills and knowledge they need for future study, training or employment.
Consultation is now underway on the new qualification – which will come with clearer grades out of 100, stronger vocational pathways, and high standards for literacy and numeracy.
While Erica is working around the clock to make these changes a reality, they won’t be bedded in for some time.
The first cohort to sit the new qualifications are only starting high school in the coming weeks.
These are big changes that are critical to our plan to build the future.
If you want education reform that gives your children the very best possible shot in life, then you need a National Government.
Third, resource management reform.
In two years, Chris Bishop has delivered more reform to the resource management environment than any other Minister has achieved in decades.
A suite of changes to national direction, enabling greater development of housing, renewable energy, aquaculture and mining.
Fast Track legislation, now consenting major projects, like the gold mine at Waihi, or the port expansion here in Auckland, in a matter of months rather than years.
And two new bills, designed to unshackle growth and development in this country, by replacing the Resource Management Act in its entirety.
Those bills are expected to pass later this year following a robust Select Committee process.
And once they do, we’re expecting immediate results with around half of all resource consents no longer required, promoting growth and development from day one.
But passing the legislation is just the start.
Over time, more and more of the regime will be managed through national standards, setting out guardrails for the development of everything from agriculture to mining to apartment buildings.
I’ll be blunt.
I want – and you should want – National Ministers writing those rules, so we have a resource management regime which allows New Zealanders to build the future.
And the only way to build that future is with a National Government.
In conclusion, National is on a mission to fix the basics and build the future and we have made tremendous progress so far.
An end to the era of wasteful spending – supporting lower inflation and lower interest rates.
More visible policing, and a tougher stance on law and order, driving down violent crime, retail crime, ram raids and youth offending.
Stronger achievement in our classrooms, whether you’re just starting school or needing an opportunity to catch up.
Now we’re building the future.
Growing the economy, to create more jobs and more opportunities for Kiwis, with rising exports, investment and productivity.
Spending your money carefully so we don’t burden our grandchildren with more debt.
Upgrading the roads, schools and hospitals you rely on, and delivering resource management reform that makes it easier for your businesses to get to construction sooner.
Supporting New Zealanders’ financial security for the long term, with greater levels of savings and investment.
More hope, more opportunity, more ambition, and ultimately greater prosperity – so that you, and your family, can get ahead.
PM Mark Carney addresses Australia’s parliament – March 5, 2026
Well, my friend Prime Minister Carney and Madame Fox , it is my great honor and an absolute pleasure to welcome you and all the members of your delegation to our parliament on behalf of the people of Australia. And I know that I speak for every member of this place when I say we are very much looking forward to your address.
It may help you to know that back in 1839, Britain sentenced 58 French Canadians involved in the rebellion in Quebec to be transported to New South Wales and put to work widening Paramea Road, which goes through my local electorate in Sydney and past Canada Bay in the electorate of the member for Reed. In 1854, it was a Canadian Henry Ross who stood in the center of the Eureka Stockade at Bellerat and raised a new flag, the iconic Southern Cross, a symbol of the miners struggle for justice.
In other words, Prime Minister, Canadian rebels with bold ideas have always been welcome here in Australia. [laughter] always a context. That is because our countries have always recognized something of ourselves in each other. We are two societies enriched by indigenous cultures and their love and connection to the beauty of our lands and our waters.
Commonwealth countries that have forged unique, proud and independent identities. democracies that did not just adopt the Westminster system. We made it fairer, stronger, and our own. Two nations that are at our very best when we look over our wide horizons. When we look out to the world and bring our values with us as we engage with it.
The first Australian prime minister to address a joint sitting at the Canadian Parliament was our great wartime Labour leader John Cirten. Standing in your House of Commons on the 1st of June 1944, just 5 days before Australians would help Canadians take and hold Juno Beach. Curtain looked to the future those brave men were fighting for.
How to secure a lasting peace worth the winning. How to build an economy and society worthy of the service, sacrifice and suffering of those who had kept it free. And the role that Australia and Canada had to play in this. Curtain said this. In a world where none of us is strong enough to stand alone, we shall discover how and by what means we can best stand with and for each other.
More than eight decades on, even in a new world order, that old test endures. Technology is changing the nature of conflict and heightening the risk and cost of escalation. And if ever nations such as ours had the luxury of imagining that distance alone kept us safe, those days are certainly gone.
The same Iranian regime launching indiscriminate attacks on nations across the Middle East orchestrated anti-semitic terrorist attacks on a synagogue and a small business here in Australia in 2024.
For us as two democracies in an age of polarization, as two dynamic trading nations in a time of disrupted supply chains, and as two middle powers in an era of strategic competition, Australia and Canada must seek and create new ways to stand with and for each other.
Prime Minister, for all the comfortable ties of old affection, what makes the friendship between Australia and Canada noteworthy is what we do not share.
We do not share a border, a region, a hemisphere, or any market smaller than the global one. Yet, this makes the connection between our countries more meaningful, not less. Because our cooperation, our partnership is a positive choice, not a necessity. When we work together, it is on the basis of our shared convictions, not mutual convenience.
And when we do, when we stand in solidarity with the brave people of Ukraine, when we work together to seize the economic opportunities of clean energy, when we strengthen our defense industry cooperation, including through Australia's biggest ever defense export, the worldleading over the horizon radar technology.
And when we face up to the urgent global challenge of climate change, because we know what it means for our unique environments, for our farmers and growers and producers and for our firefighters who for decades have traveled between our nations to help each other in the toughest of times and now face the prospect of their fire seasons overlapping because of climate change.
When we act together, we demonstrate to our citizens that government is not a passive institution. It is an instrument for positive change. And what's more, when we send a message to all those nations that look to us as equals, as peers, as neighbors, and as leaders. That they too have a choice, agency, and a part to play.
Because peace, security, and prosperity are not the preserve of the great powers alone. They are our common cause and our collective responsibility.
Prime Minister, Australia and Canada are middle powers in a world that is changing. We cannot change it back, but we can back ourselves, back our citizens, and back each other.
And your visit reflects our shared ambition for Australia and Canada to do more together at a deeper level. To build on our shared strengths from our resources and critical minerals to defense technology to the investing power of our superanuation and pension funds.
Prime Minister, in this decade where nearly every single challenge is indeed a global one, the distance between our two nations has never mattered less, and the closeness of our values has never mattered more.
Together, let us seize the opportunities that the world holds for us. You are very welcome here in our parliament today. >> [snorts] >> I thank you for your ongoing friendship and our regular dialogue. You'll be welcome in Australia always.
Yeah![applause]
>> I invite the honorable the leader of the opposition to support the remarks of the prime minister.
>> Thank you, Mr. Speaker, and I commend Prime Minister Albanesi for his warm welcome for our guest of honor and his wife Diane. Mr. Speaker, I have a confession. I knew our guest of honor long before he became the prime minister of Canada. It was 1991. The Berlin Wall had fallen. The Cold War was all but over. In that atmosphere, two young, somewhat idealistic students met in an economics post-graduate course at Oxford. The bond was immediate. Both from provincial backgrounds. Alberta famous for its cattle. Southern New South Wales famous for its sheep. Both from families who cherished the value of education. both quietly cynical about the pompous palms and the boisterous Yanks soldering saing around Oxford.
And despite our different politics today, we both shared a healthy distaste for Soviet sympathizers. There we were, a Canadian and Australian regularly sitting next to each other in class. You sporting black eyes from ice hockey, [laughter] me sporting bruises and cuts from rugby. Uh, but Mark's thesis was of great interest to the professors, whereas I wrote mine on the price of beer, [laughter] of far greater interest to our student friends. Back then, I don't think either of us imagined a life like this in politics. Uh, one of life's great joys is seeing old friends do well. So it gives me immense joy to see Canada led by an old friend, a man of the highest caliber, utterly devoted to his country. Prime Minister Carney, with your presence here today, we celebrate a remarkable bilateral relationship. And while our eyes are on the horizon, we also take this moment to look behind us. Uh, democracies are the gift of British inheritance. It was the pragmatic, enlightened, and accommodating nature of British stewardship that nurtured within our colonies self-identity, self-government, and ultimately sovereign nationhood.
With your presence here today, we acknowledge Canada and Australia's mutual inheritance and uh two great constitutional monarchies. Australia was fortunate to look to the example of the Canadian Confederation as we forged our own federation. Our federation debates were robust. One of our founding fathers said, "We shall find the Canadian Constitution is about the best basis that we can select.
"Another founding father had a very different view, saying, "In no regard can we look upon the example of Canada as one to be imitated." But whether Australia's founding fathers praised or criticized the Canadian model, they learned from Canada and yearned for what Canadians had achieved. Prime Minister Carney, with your presence here today, we say with gratitude that Canada helped shape the Australian nation.
We are two great democracies that have successfully woven together the indigenous, colonial and migrant threads of our societies. Over the course of 125 years, our two nations have known a steadfast, stable, and mutually supportive partnership. In peace time and in wartime, in good times, and in tough times, as we've just heard, our two peoples have known a deep and abiding friendship.
11:13
Our partnership and friendship are testimony to the many achievements over many generations in trade and in business in sharing intelligence and sharing industriousness in fighting our enemies and fighting bushfires. Since you become Prime Minister of Canada, I've admired many of the decisions you've taken that are grounded in economic realism, removing the consumer carbon tax, getting immigration under control, and ensuring it's conducive to social cohesion, and a deregulation agenda that supports business and industry.
Your speech in Switzerland in January was a uh much needed wakeup call for middle powers of the West. uh you said, Prime Minister Carney said, "We're at a turning point. We must indeed stop invoking rules-based international order as though it functions as advertised." I'd go further. The rules-based international order has been exposed as wishful thinking of a bygone and benign era, especially in these times when autocratic regimes act with impunity.
And I wholeheartedly agree with you. In this brave new world, middle powers cannot simply build higher walls and retreat behind them. We must work together. We must act together closer than ever on defense, on secure supply chains and sovereign capabilities, on maintaining free trade. As you said, the strength of our values matter and the value of our strength matters.
It's that moral clarity that must guide us and protect our way of life.
Prime Minister Carney, on behalf of the coalition and federal opposition, it's a privilege and a pleasure to welcome you to the Australian Parliament. And from one one old friend to another, it's great to see you, mate. [applause]
Prime Minister Carney gives me great pleasure to invite you to address the House of Representatives.
13:35
Prime Minister Albanese, thank you. And to Jody for this warm welcome and for this great honor. Leader of the opposition Taylor, thank you for reminding me of the importance of beer and competition. And in terms of deflating the palms, I would note I would I would recall our meeting with Prime Minister Starmer uh our trilateral at a time of great consequence uh where it was around drinks and Prime Minister Albanazi brought four of Australia's finest tins which just happened to bear his name.[laughter]
Mr. Mr. Speaker, President, honorable members and senators, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you for this warm welcome to myself, my wife, my colleagues to Australia. Let me also thank the Australian firefighters who are here in this chamber today. They came to my home province of Alberta when we faced record wildfires last summer, as is all too common.
But what is also common is that action, that heroism is just as Australian firefighters have done for Canadians over the years. And this is just one of the many testaments to the profound and practical friendship between our two nations. Friends, it is a distinct honor and privilege to address this parliament, one of the world's great chambers of democracy and a testament, as both previous speakers indicated, to our shared Commonwealth heritage.
Allow me a few words in Canada's other official language. Canada is confet. Period. Not collaborate. Mr. Speaker, the last time a Canadian prime minister stood here, it was a different era with different challenges.
2007, the eve of the global financial crisis. A crisis through which Australia and Canada sailed. We sailed through that storm because of the soundness of our banks, the proety of our public finances, and the resourcefulness of our people. And while much has changed since then, these qualities endure, as does the friendship between our nations.
17:12
Although we could not be further physically apart, Canada and Australia are strategic cousins. We may look to different skies, the North Star in our hemisphere, the Southern Cross in yours, but we have the same orientation. We share a common heritage, have developed a common perspective, and can build together a common future. Two sovereign nations, two proud democracies, the true north and the land down under, navigating with the same values.
As the prime minister indicated, what makes our relationship rare is that it was not built by geography or by great power design. It was chosen repeatedly over centuries. In the mud of Flanders, on the shores of Normandy, in the hills of Korea and the valleys of Kandahar, Canadians and Australians have stood by each other when the hour was darkest and victory most in doubt. And we have done so
because we believe that people everywhere deserve to live freely, to govern themselves, and determine their own futures. and that these values are worth defending even at great cost.
Together, we helped to build the post-war international system, to draft the UN charter, and to create a global economic order that pro brought prosperity to our peoples.
We helped write its rules from Basil to Brisbane. We were at the table when the G20 was formed, when the Trans-Pacific Partnership was negotiated, and when the standards governing trade, finance, and security were all set.
Yes, that system was imperfect, but it functioned. Keeping sea lanes open, resolving disputes, growing trade and investment, and narrowing the gaps between rich and poor across the world.
19:27
With that global architecture now breaking down from consecutive crisis, I've come to Australia at your invitation to reaffirm our alliance and to suggest where it can go next. Because it's my fundamental belief as a result of optimism I've picked up from people from this great country that from this rupture we can build something better, more prosperous, more resilient, and more just.
It's often observed that we have much in common. The Westminster system, federalism, common law, the crown. Yet, the foundations of our relationship go much deeper. We intuitively understand how each other's systems work, how power is constrained, how our institutions functions, and the values that underpin them.
This is the product of decades, centuries of parallel development, common inheritance, and continuous exchange between our peoples. It's not something that can be replicated by a treaty or sustained by rhetoric. On this common foundation, we have built civic nations, societies held together not by blood or soil, not by a single faith or culture, but by something more demanding and durable. A shared commitment to live together, to accommodate our differences, and to pursue the common good.
Canada's founding insight was that unity does not require uniformity. That we can share a country without conforming to a single identity. That our differences honestly acknowledged and respectfully navigated our source of strength.
Australia arrived at the same destination by its own path. Let us remember that Australia was the first nation in the world to give women the right to vote and to stand for parliament.
>>Yeah
Your example, your example has inspired the world ever since. And that act of democratic extension, choosing to widen the circle rather than guard its edges, is the fundamental instinct that drives our common civic nationalism.
Our two nations were built by risktakers, by voyagers, by drovers, adventurers, people whose families left everything behind to start again. They crossed oceans with uncertain prospects to bet on themselves and bet on each other. And that commitment, that commitment to building something together rather than resting on something inherited is bred in the bone of our national characters.
Of course, we are both nations still in the making. The important work of reconciliation with indigenous peoples is ongoing. We continue to strive so that everyone has equal opportunities regardless of gender, race, sexual orientation, or starting point in their lives. This work is not the sign of weakness, rather the product of a confidence and honesty that acknowledges when we fall short and relentlessly strives to do better.
Mr. Speaker, the institutional depth we share, our friendship forged by shared values and common battles creates a trust that is also a strategic asset. It is a source of power. And the question today for middle powers like us is whether we establish the conventions and help write the new rules that will determine our security and prosperity or let the hedgeimons dictate outcomes.
In the new global environment, the ability to form effective coalitions is becoming a central strategic capability. Great powers can compel, but compulsion comes with costs, both reputational and financial. Middle powers can convene. But not everyone can. In the postrupture world, the nations that are trusted and can work together will be quicker to the punch, more effective in their responses, and more proactive in shaping outcomes, and ultimately those countries will be more secure and prosperous.
Mr. Speaker, middle powers like Australia and Canada hold this rare convening power because others know we mean what we say and we will match our values with our actions. This has been earned by those before us throughout our history.
And the question is now, what do we do with it? Canada is choosing to create a dense web of connections to build our resilience. We've adopted a new framework for engaging the world, variable geometry, creating different coalitions for different issues based on common values and interests for those issues. This is not a retreat from multilateralism. It is its evolution.
And to be clear, Canada's support for the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions, the multilateral system is like Australia's unwavering. But while we are committed to reforms of these institutions in order to better reflect today's world, we need coalitions now to address immediate challenges.
And as those coalitions work, they will help demonstrate the power of multilateralism and reinvigorate it.
The fact is right now many countries are concluding that they must develop greater strategic autonomy. And this impulse is understandable. When the rules no longer protect you, you must defend yourself. Country that can't feed itself, fuel itself, or defend itself has few options. Then in the 21st century, the requirements for economic security and prosperity of our countries extend far beyond food, conventional energy, and defense.
As important as these are today, sovereignty requires reliable access to space-based communications and storage, vaccines, semiconductors, payment systems, and capital. Because governments and businesses went for decades prioritizing efficiency over resilience, we've developed supply chains and trading relationships that create dependencies on the great powers, sometimes even individual corporations. All of these affecting essential elements [clears throat] of our sovereignty.
And as that integration is weaponized, this creates fundamental vulnerabilities. In response, Canada's strategic imperative is to build sovereign capabilities in these critical sectors at home and in coalition with trusted, reliable partners like Australia to ensure that integration is never again the source of our subordination.
And let me in the spirit of the leader of the opposition move from the theoretical to the practical. I'll give five examples of this variable geometry in practice.
The first prime minister is in critical minerals. Canada and Australia are the world's two most reliable and like-minded mining giants. We are both committed to sustainability. We have each developed the most advanced extractive ecosystems. All the range from prospecting to engineering, logistics, and capital markets. We're blessed with abundance of foundational metals that power the batteries, the EVs, the smartphones, the AI systems of this century.
Together, we produce one-third of global lithium, onethird of global uranium, 40% of iron ore. In fairness, that's largely you, [laughter] but we'll take credit for it. Uh, and we have a combined war chest.
A combined war chest right now of $25 billion to fasttrack global projects. Globally, we're one and two in the most attractive m. We're one and two as the most attractive mining investment jurisdictions in the world. We are the world's critical mineral superpowers. Now in the old world, and even to a degree today, the te temptation would be to see each other as competitors. In the new world, we should, as Prime Minister Albanese has suggested, be strategic collaborators to boost investments, accelerate technological cooperation, enhance supply chain resilience, expand our domestic processing abilities, and to reinforce each of our strategic autonomy. Which is why earlier today we've signed a series of new agreements on critical minerals including with respect to the G7 critical minerals alliance, an alliance Prime Minister Albanase helped to launch in Canonascus in June. This is the largest group of trusted democracies with critical minerals reserves in the world.
The second area is in defense. Both our countries are building up our capabilities so the next generation of drones, surveillance aircraft, cyber and artificial intelligence are created in Adelaide and Alberta.
Canada has just announced our first ever defense industrial strategy. It will catalyze half a trillion dollars of investment in our security and resilience over the course of the next decade. This creates enormous opportunities for cooperation between our countries. As the prime minister rightly referenced, we are already cooperating with Australia on your world leading over the horizon radar and we will explore. We're actively exploring new opportunities to protect our vast territories together.
Australia and Canada are core members of the coalition of the willing, which provides vital vital military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine in response to Russia's illegal, horrific war.
31:10
Mr. Speaker, the outcome of this war is not in doubt, although its duration is still uncertain. And when peace comes, and it will come, the coalition, including Canada and Australia, will provide robust security guarantees to support a just and lasting peace in Ukraine and Europe.
As we have seen in this war in Ukraine, satellite communications are now a fundamental requirement for security.
A Canadian-based constellation of LEO satellites will launch next year, providing reliable and secure global communications. We're working with other like-minded partners who possess similar capabilities to build out a deep, resilient, sovereign system that we can all share, and we can each control in our territories.
Mr. Speaker, artificial intelligence is my third example. As AI begins to transform our economies and our lives, strategic autonomy will require sovereign intelligence infrastructure, including secure clouds, data, LLM models, enterprise applications. Canada can contribute here as well. In partnership, we're the number one global destination for masters and doctoral students. We produce some of the world's most renowned AI developers and are home to the leading AI institutes and many of the startups. But we know that is not sufficient. We know we must work with others who share our values to build sovereign AI capabilities so we are not caught between the hyperscalers and the hedgeimons. We're partnering with like-minded nations in Europe and we look forward today's agreements to work more closely in partnership with Australia and as well building on the announcement at the Apex summit in our trilateral AI initiative with India.
Fourth, on trade, our two nations are [clears throat] championing efforts to build a bridge between the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the European Union. Canada is already a member of both trading blocks. I hope soon you will be as well.
Both of us know that the value of this is a global public good. Yes, it's market access, but it's a global public good because this is a block of one and a half billion people grounded in common standards, shared values, and is capable of anchoring a new rules-based trading system even as the old one falters.
To be clear, this is an ad hoc co coalition. Variable geometry of middle powers that has a larger GDP than the United States, three times the trade flow of China, the largest combined financial balance sheets in the world, over 60 of the world's top universities, and the largest source of cultural exports globally.
It might not surprise you given my background that my final example is capital. Over the past two decades, access to capital has become increasingly weaponized. And in the coming period of global volatility, our financial systems will likely be tested once again.
Canada and Australia retain the advantages of sound banking systems, the most sophisticated and reliable financial infrastructure. We have the ability that others might think they have but don't. We have the ability to sustain openness to crossber capital flows.
Our pension funds and your supers constitute one of the largest pools soon to be the largest pools of capital in the world at present nearly 7 trillion under management. This is a strategic asset for our citizens and future generations particularly in a riskier world where where it will increasingly matter who owes whom and who owns what. The fact is we are currently underinvested in each other's economies and it's high time to modernize our bilateral tax and investment treaty and I welcome today's agreement to do exactly that.
36:07
Mr Speaker, the connections, these new connections between Australia and Canada are greater than the sum of their parts. This is an alliance reaffirmed, a friendship strengthened, and a partnership to build greater prosperity and security in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.
The fact is, Australia and Canada have never waited for others to write our futures.
We've written it ourselves through a century of choices, standing together in the darkest hours, building the post-war order with optimism and purpose, and now helping to create what comes next.
Yes, the world will always be driven by great powers, but it can also be shaped by middle powers that trust each other and act with speed and purpose.
Australia and Canada have demonstrated that trust again this week. Every agreement signed, every coalition deepened, every commitment made is variable geometry in practice. And we do so, because we both understand the scale of the task ahead and because we have traveled together on this road before. Canada could not have a better partner than Australia.
And as one of my predecessors, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau said in the 70s, "Australia is a self-possessed and confident nation that believes in the future of mankind." Two nations under different skies with the same orientation. A friendship built over a century that is ready to build the century that awaits.
HEGSETH: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Right here? Go ahead.
QUESTION: Thank you for your time. What percentage of Iranian long-strike capabilities are still in the fight? And what is our exit strategy here, and when will it be deployed?
HEGSETH: Well, they — they have long range strike capabilities, which we are hyper-focused on. In the brief we got just this morning — Admiral Cooper knows exactly and precisely what kind of threat matrix he's looking at, the way they might change their techniques, and how we adapt to that.
So, we're making sure the theater commander has absolutely everything he needs. And one of the things the Chairman mentioned is for months and months, even before we built up, we ensured that we had the maximum defensive capabilities in theater to allow the President the decision space in the future. So even before this buildup in the last 30 days, we discreetly brought defensive assets in to make sure — understanding that — that there are Iranian capabilities.
As far as timeframe, I would never hang a timeframe from our perspective. The Commander-in-Chief sets the op tempo in terms of this fight. As I said, it's on his terms, and we'll make sure that Admiral Cooper and his team have everything that they need not just to defend — I mean, the best defense is a good offense.
And so, we are aggressively pushing into that airspace over that southern flank to ensure that we control it and we destroy anything that moves that would attempt to shoot us. Think of it as shooting the archer instead of the arrows. That's where we want to be.
And we have the kind of exquisite intelligence to get over the top, find that and destroy it. It won't happen overnight. This is a big battle space with a lot of capabilities. That's part of the reason why it's such a threat to us. That's why I talk about conventional umbrella to blackmail nuclear ambitions. They were building up this conventional arsenal in order to ensure that no one would ever block them from their ability to get nuclear weapons.
So we're — we're very clear-eyed about the nature of this Iranian threat and we are going to get after that.
I don't know if you have anything to add to that, Mr. Chairman.
CAINE: ... thank you for the question. The only other thing I'll add is that unlike a — an operation, a single operation like Midnight Hammer or Absolute Resolve, we'll — it'll take some time for us to conduct battle damage assessment.
And the targeting cycle that CENTCOM will run will take those things into effect. Admiral Cooper will adjust his plan and fires accordingly to ensure that we're attriting that. He's focused on long-range strike capability coming out of the enemy, and – and that's a key and essential part of it.
QUESTION: But are there (ph) capabilities that still exist from the enemy front?
CAINE: Yeah, that's what I — I mean when I say we're still doing BDA. Normally — you know, normally, we'd be able to see a singular thing and we'd assess pretty quickly. He's doing offense and assessments simultaneously, so it'll take longer for us to assess than it would in a single operation.
QUESTION: Secretary Hegseth, thank you. Reagan Reese with the Daily Caller. Two questions for you.
The President said yesterday in his video message that we will leave Iran when we complete all of our objectives. What are our objectives and can you share more information on how the soldiers who were killed were killed?
HEGSETH: Well, I laid out the objectives as did the chairman they're — they're completely nested. I mean, Iran has an ability to project power against us and our allies in ways that we can't — we can't tolerate. So, whether that's ballistic missiles and drones, so offensive capabilities effectively their — their navy, which would attempt to set other terms and impose different costs, drone capabilities, which we — which we laid out there.
And ultimately though this, tying it back to midnight hammer, the President has been willing to make a deal. You can't have a nuclear bomb. Radical Islamists can't have a nuclear bomb that they wield against the world. He gave them every single opportunity. Then we precisely took it away. And even — even then after that, they
didn't have that. They didn't come to the table with a willingness to give it away.
So ultimately that those nuclear ambitions, which never ceased are something that had to be addressed as well. So that's a discreet sense of what's being addressed here, to ensure that they can't use that conventional umbrella to continue a pursuit of nuclear ambitions.
And then as — as it pertains to the U.S. casualties, the — that particular incident was, you know, you have air defenses and the lot's coming in and you hit most of it. And we absolutely do. We have incredible air defenders. Every once in a while you might have one. Unfortunately, we call it a squirter that, that makes its way through. And in that particular case it happened to hit a – a tactical operation center. That was — that was fortified. But these are powerful weapons.
So we are — we certainly, we will do, as I said, moments like that as we remember them and we take care of them and take care of their families only stiffen our resolve to ensure that we — we do this properly.
QUESTION: Thank you.
HEGSETH: Yep. Right here.
QUESTION: Thank you, Secretary Hegseth. I had two questions for you. First are there currently any American boots on the ground in Iran?
HEGSETH: No, but we are not going to go into the exercise of what we will or will not do. I think it's one of those fallacies for a long time that this department or presidents or others should tell the American people this and our — and our enemies by the way.
Here's exactly what we'll do. Here's exactly how we long we'll go. Here's exactly how far we'll go. Here's what we're willing to do and not do. It's foolishness. And so, President Trump ensures that our enemies understand. We'll go as far as we need to go to advance American interest. But we're not dumb about it. You don't have to roll 200,000 people in there and stay for 20 years. We've proven that you can achieve objectives that advance American interest without being foolish about it.
Now, will we be bold about it? Are we willing to be decisive about it? Do we put months and months of planning into what kind of effects we want to achieve? Absolutely. But going forward, why in the world would we tell you, you, the enemy, anybody what we will or will not do in pursuit of an objective. We fight to win. We fight to achieve the objectives the President of the United States has laid out and we will do so unapologetically.
Thank you.
QUESTION: Is there any significance to Israel carrying out this strike to kill the Ayatollah? And I wanted to know what was your immediate reaction to finding out about his killing?
HEGSETH: I think Israel did a great job in the conduct of that operation.
QUESTION: President Trump put a four-week timeline...
(CROSSTALK)
HEGSETH: Please.
QUESTION: ... are you saying that's wrong?
QUESTION: Yeah. Thank you. You — you mentioned during the briefing General Caine that there would be additional troops sent to the region. Could you say how many troops currently are involved in this operation and how many additional troops are planned to go in — in, in this next phase?
CAINE: I don't want to talk specifics because that would tip the enemy off. We — we have more tactical aviation flowing into theater just based on the time it took to get it out there. I think we're just about where we want to be in terms of total combat capacity and total combat power for Admiral Cooper.
One of the things though, that a commander, he'll consistently assess the trajectory of the campaign. Is he on or off trajectory? And then make an ask of the joint force, which we’ll then develop options for consideration by the Secretary and the President to either increase or in some cases decrease the amount of combat capability that we have over there.
HEGSETH: I heard the question about — about four weeks. It's the typical — typical NBC sort of got-you type question.
President Trump has all the latitude in the world to talk about how long it may or may not take four weeks, two weeks, six weeks. It could move up, it could move back. We're going to execute at his command, the objectives we've set out to achieve and what he's shown ability to do that other presidents can't quite seem to have the aperture to do. Well, I mean, Joe Biden didn't even know what he was doing. Is to look for opportunities and off ramps and escalations for the United States that creates new opportunities to execute what we need on our own timeline. So, you can play games about four weeks, five weeks. He — he has all of the latitude, and I'm glad he does because there's no better communicator than our President expressing those things...
QUESTION: ... to the Daily Mail...
HEGSETH: I've been in meetings with the President for the last two and a half days. We know exactly where his head — head space is, and he will communicate, as he should, exactly what he would like and we will follow those orders. And I think he – everything he's said on that is right down the middle.
QUESTION: Mr. Chairman, did you have evidence that...
HEGSETH: Yes, right there? Yes, sir?
QUESTION: ... strike first?
QUESTION: Thank you very much, Secretary. I left my hometown of (inaudible) in Iranian Kurdistan in 1996. Can you promise that I will be able to return home safely this year?
And I have a follow-on question too, please.
HEGSETH: Well, I appreciate the question. I — I'm not here to place guarantees on that, but I think the message the President has given has been clear. To the people of Iran, this is your moment. There were — the world was seized by these crowds and then seized by the reality of this regime killing tens of thousands of innocent protesters. So, we saw the nature of the regime yet again exposed. We saw many, many of the Iranian people seek a change there. This is their moment to take advantage of it, for sure.
QUESTION: You served in Iraq. I know that no American soldiers were killed in Kurdistan. The Kurdish people are very pro-American. Will you continue protect Kurdistan and Peshmerga as loyal ally of the United States? Why I am asking this question, because no Kurdistanis under attack by Iranian drones and by proxies in Iraq and on the region.
HEGSETH: I think I can speak to the allies generally in the region, who we've been in constant communication with. We have been standing shoulder to shoulder with them and we appreciate their capabilities, absolutely.
Yes, right here?
QUESTION: Hi, thank you. Cameron Arcand with the Daily Wire. My question is about some of the domestic threats, if any, (inaudible) this right now. Have there been any concerns about Iranian sleeper cells? And kind of what has the Trump administration been doing to kind of monitor these threats?
HEGSETH: Well, across the interagency, in full coordination — of course we're paying attention to any eventualities there. There — this is a former regime — a regime that seeks to export that ideology and try to sow terror. Our — we're ready for that. We've — we've seen these types of folks before, and the American
people can rest assured that we're — we're vigilant on that.
Right here?
(CROSSTALK)
QUESTION: ... kind of a follow-up on that last question, there was just this — what appears to be a terrorist attack in Austin yesterday. How — does that change the operation at all? What effect does that have? And I — I...
HEGSETH: It doesn't change the operation at all, and I know the authorities are — are executing exactly the way they should.
QUESTION: Secretary Hegseth, and — and one for Chairman Caine as well. I understand to your point here that you don't want to broadcast everything for our adversaries to hear, but the American people also want to know what they're sending their men and women to war for. Are — is there a concern of this spiraling into a longer war?
And then one for the Chairman when you're done.
HEGSETH: Did you not hear my remarks? I mean, we're ensuring the mission gets accomplished, but we are very clear-eyed, as the President has been, unlike other presidents, about the foolish policies of the past that recklessly pulled us into things that were not tethered to actual, clear objectives.
So we do — we know — we have plans; we have generals; we have chairmans; we have commanders — CENTCOM commanders; Admiral Cooper, who's executing very deliberately to ensure outcomes that I laid out
are accomplished.
But we would never, in front of a press pool, lay out how long that may take. Our — the mission for our warfighters, which is what matters to us, is very, very clear, and they're executing it right now violently.
QUESTION: And just for the Chairman...
(CROSSTALK)
QUESTION: ... just for the Chairman, you said this is not a one-night operation, it will take time to achieve the goals. What would be the — the goal line here for you?
CAINE: I think the Secretary laid out the military objectives, and that's what we execute against, is the military objectives.
HEGSETH: Last one, right here?
(CROSSTALK)
QUESTION: Thank you, sir. As you've said, there are a large amount of U.S. service members that are in harm's way right now. What is your prayer for them?
HEGSETH: First of all, my prayer for them is that I do pray for them. My wife prays for them, our family prays for them, our Cabinet prays for them. None of this is done on a whim. Having been in their boots, having been in their shoes, having been in their flight suits, I think we — I mean, I know we think about them with every decision that we make and every recommendation that we make to the President of the United States.
Those — those recommendations are made prayerfully. And when I pray every day for them and for this mission, I pray simply for the biblical wisdom to see what is right and the courage to do it. It's going to take courage to follow through on this. There's going to be a lot of noise. And we pray for that, and we hope all of you do too — do as well.
Secretary of War and CJCS, Air Force Gen. Dan Caine, Hold a Press Briefing at the Pentagon.
Hegseth 140wpm
SECRETARY HEGSETH:
１．Well, good morning. We just finished an update with Admiral Brad Cooper, the CENTCOM commander across the CENTCOM AOR; our leadership and troops, as you would expect, doing a fantastic job.
Two days ago, under the direction and direct orders of President Donald J. Trump, the Department of War launched Operation Epic Fury, the most-lethal, most-complex and most-precise aerial operation in history.
For 47 long years, the expansionist and Islamist regime in Tehran has waged a savage, one-sided war against America. They didn't always declare it openly, except for their constant chants of "Death to America"; they did it through the blood of our people, car bombs in Beirut, rocket attacks on our ships, murders at our embassies, roadside bombs in Iraq and Afghanistan, funded and armed by Iranian Quds Force and IRGC killers. My generation of veterans carried the names of brothers who never came home, brothers butchered by Iranian-backed roadside bombs and well-armed militias, thousands of our own.
２．We didn't start this war, but under President Trump, we are finishing it. Their war on Americans has become our retribution against their ayatollah and his death cult. It took the 47th president, a fighter who always puts America first, to finally draw the line after 47 years of Iranian belligerence. He reminded the world, as he has time and time again, being an American means something unbreakable. If you kill Americans, if you threaten Americans anywhere on Earth, we will hunt you down without apology and without hesitation and we will kill you.
President Trump has also been very consistent. Crazy regimes like Iran hell-bent on prophetic Islamist delusions cannot have nuclear weapons. It's common sense. Many have said it, but it takes guts to actually enforce it, and our president has guts.
Iran's stubborn and self-evident nuclear pursuits, their targeting of global shipping lanes and their swelling arsenal of ballistic missiles and killer drones were no longer — are no longer tolerable risks. Iran was building powerful missiles and drones to create a conventional shield for their nuclear blackmail ambitions. Let me say that again: a conventional shield for their nuclear blackmail ambitions, our bases, our people, our allies, all in their crosshairs. Iran had a conventional gun to our head as they tried to lie their way to a nuclear bomb.
It almost worked under Obama and his terrible deal, but not under this president. Turns out the regime who chanted "Death to America" and "Death to Israel" was gifted death from America and death from Israel.
This is not a so-called regime-change war, but the regime sure did change, and the world is better off for it.
3．Today, in their desperation, the enemy is unmasked. As Iranian missiles and drones rain down indiscriminately on the hotels, airports, apartments and other civilian targets of their neighbors, cowardly terrorist tactics - from a regime that for decades has trafficked in cowardly terrorist tactics, lies, death and destruction to this day.
The Iranian leadership has built nothing except proxies and missiles and drones and deeply-buried nuclear factories and facilities. Peaceful nuclear ambitions do not need to be buried underneath mountains.
Last June, Operation Midnight Hammer obliterated their nuclear program to rubble. Afterward, we told them plainly, "That's it. Now make a deal." They arrogantly refused. We said, "Rebuild it and we'll stop you again, this time, far worse." Well, President Trump, Secretary Rubio, Steve Witkoff, Jared Kushner, they bent over
backwards for real diplomacy, offering pathway after pathway to peace. I watched it. I was there. They tried over and over and over again, earnest attempts at peace. The former regime had every chance to make a peaceful and sensible deal. But Tehran was not negotiating; they were stalling, buying time to reload their missile stockpiles and restart their nuclear ambitions. Their goal: Hold us hostage, threatening to strike our forces.
４．Well, President Trump doesn't play those games, and as Secretary Rubio said after the Maduro raid, "If you don't know, now you know." President Trump puts America and Americans first. He doesn't hesitate, and neither do our troops. The mission of Operation Epic Fury is laser-focused: Destroy Iranian offensive missiles, destroy Iranian missile production, destroy their navy and other security infrastructure and they will never have nuclear weapons. We're hitting them surgically, overwhelmingly and unapologetically.
With every passing day, our capabilities get stronger and Iran's get weaker. We set the terms of this war, from start to finish. Our ambitions are not utopian; they are realistic, scoped to our interests and the defense of our people and our allies.
Speaking of people, we hope the Iranian people take advantage of this incredible opportunity. President Trump has been clear: Now is your time.
To Iranian security forces, choose wisely. President Trump has also been clear about your fate in either direction.
5．To the media outlets and political left screaming "endless wars," stop. This is not Iraq. This is not endless. I was there for both. Our generation knows better and so does this President. He called the last 20 years of nation building wars dumb, and he's right. This is the opposite.
This operation is a clear, devastating, decisive mission: destroy the missile threat, destroy the navy, no nukes. Israel has clear missions as well for which we are grateful, capable partners, as we've said since the beginning, capable partners are good partners, unlike so many of our traditional allies who wring their hands and clutch their pearls, hemming and hawing about the use of force.
America, regardless of what so-called international institutions say, is unleashing the most lethal and precise air power campaign in history. B-2s, fighters, drones, missiles, and of course classified effects. All on our terms with maximum authorities. No stupid rules of engagement, no nation-building quagmire, no democracy building exercise, no politically correct wars. We fight to win, and we don't waste time or lives.
6．As the President warned, an effort of this scope will include casualties. War is hell and always will be. A grateful nation honors the four Americans we have lost thus far and those injured, the absolute best of America.
May we prosecute the remainder of this operation in a manner that honors them. No apologies, no hesitation, epic fury for them and the thousands of Americans before them taken too soon by Iranian radicals.
Before I turn it over to General Caine for the operational update, let me speak straight to you, the Joint Force, our warriors on the front lines. This is your moment. This is the generational turning point America has waited for since 1979 and since the rudderless wars of hubris, my generation, our generation endured, don't listen to the noise, just stay focused. Our commander-in-chief is steady at the wheel. We face a determined enemy, but you are better, but we must prove it every single day. History doesn't care if we're tired, if we're scared, or if the fight feels big. It demands warriors who rise anyway.
7．Peace through strength, the warrior ethos, lethality, unity of purpose, those are not slogans. They're the beating heart of what it means to wear the uniform, that uniform. You think clearly under fire, you act decisively in chaos, you uphold the constitution and you uphold our country without hesitation. We are not defenders anymore. We are warriors, trained to kill the enemy and break their will. History is watching. Be the force you swore an oath to be focused, disciplined, lethal, and unbreakable.
We will finish this on America-first conditions of President Trump's choosing, nobody else's as it should be. And know this above all, President Trump and I have your back always, through fire, through criticism, through fake news, through everything, we unleash you because you are the best, most powerful, most lethal fighting force the world has ever seen.
May Almighty God watch over you and his providential arms of protection extend over you. Godspeed warriors and keep going.
General Caine, over to you.
12:00
GENERAL DAN CAINE: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. And, good morning, everyone. The purpose of my portion of the briefing today is to update you and the American people on the actions taken thus far.
The briefing will discuss the preparation, the planning, setting the force, the early operations, and how we're assessing the progress thus far. So, let's get started.
On Saturday 28 February, at 0115 Eastern Standard Time, 9:45 a.m. local Tehran time, on the orders of the President of the United States, U.S. Central Command under the command of United States Navy Admiral Brad Cooper commenced Operation Epic Fury.
As I said, I'm going to walk you through the initial phases of the operation, but first, I want to express my deep condolences and the condolences of the Joint Force to the Department of War personnel killed and wounded in actions thus far. As the secretary said, they're heroes and represent the best of — our nation has to offer. They're true examples of what selfless service means. Our deepest and heartfelt condolences are with their families, their friends and their units. We grieve with you, and we will never forget you.
Additionally, I stand here before you today grateful for each servicemember, planner, logistician, operator across our Joint Force, for our Department of War civilians, our intelligence community teammates, our interagency teammates who continue to stand in harm's way alongside us. I am proud of all of you as you take the fight to the enemy, and we are the best in the world at integrating, period.
I want to extend my personal gratitude to the dedicated commanders and senior enlisted leaders and the enlisted members of the Joint Force who are fighting this fight across the CENTCOM AOR. In addition to Admiral Cooper and Fleet Master Chief Compton, I want to highlight a few today: U.S. Army Central Command Commander Lieutenant General Pat Frank who, along with his team, are fighting the counter-missile and counter-drone fight; United States Navy Central Command Commander Vice Admiral Curt Renshaw and his team, who are engaged with the Iranian Navy and projecting American naval combat power from the seas; and United States Air Force Central Command Commander Lieutenant General Derek France and his leadership team, who are crushing Iranian targets from the air.
I want to highlight the support to the CENTCOM fight from other combatant commands who are directly involved with this effort, to include USSPACECOM, USSCYBERCOM and USEUCOM.
I also want to specifically call out United States Transportation Command and USSTRATCOM for their contributions to this fight. We cannot project American combat power at the time and place of our choosing without both.
And finally, I want to express how deeply thankful I am for the continued service and sacrifice of the entire Joint Force and their families. Their unwavering commitment and dedication are the cornerstones of this effort.
So let me start with a few details. First, to be clear, as the secretary said, this is not a single overnight operation. The military objectives that CENTCOM and the Joint Force have been tasked with will take some time to achieve, and in some cases, will be difficult and gritty work. We expect to take additional losses, and as always, we will work to minimize U.S. losses. But as the secretary said, this is major combat operations.
So let me talk about the preparation and the planning. On February 28th, the full strength of America's armed forces came together in a unified purpose against a capable and determined adversary. The United States Army, Navy, Marine Corps, Air Force, Space Force, Coast Guard and our reserve components integrated across our combatant commands and began coordinated operations with the Israeli Armed Forces of an unprecedented scale.
As the secretary laid out, our military objectives are clear: Our mission is to protect and defend ourselves, and together with our regional partners, prevent Iran from the ability to project power outside of its borders, and be ready for follow-on actions, as appropriate. Across every domain, land, air, sea, cyber, the U.S. Joint Force delivered synchronized and layered effects designed to disrupt, degrade, deny and destroy Iran's ability to conduct and sustain combat operations.
On the U.S. side, this marked the culmination of months, and in some cases, years of deliberate planning and refinement against this particular target set. From precision strikes against key military infrastructure, to persistent intelligence and targeting integration, to the close coordination of the components across vast distances, this operation again demonstrated America's reach, readiness and professionalism, and that of our joint united force. It was historic not only in the operational scope, but in the level of joint integration displayed across every element of the Joint Force, and as I said earlier, this work is just beginning and will continue.
So now, to talk a little bit about setting the force and setting the theater. On the order of the secretary of war, over the last 30 days to reinforce deterrence and provide the president with credible options, should action be required, the Joint Force began to systematically reposition assets and personnel across the region. These movements ensured that U.S. forces remain postured, protected and ready to respond decisively for any emerging threat. This deployment included thousands of servicemembers from all branches, hundreds of advanced fourth- and fifth-generation fighters, dozens of refueling tankers, the Lincoln and Ford Carrier Strike Group and their embarked air wings, sustained flow of munitions fuel, supplies, all supported with command-and-control, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance network, and the flow of forces continues today. In fact, Admiral Cooper will receive additional forces even today.
This rapid build-up of forces demonstrated the Joint Force's ability to adapt and project power at the time and place of our nation's choosing. I want to highlight a couple specific cases for you.
The Gerald R. Ford Carrier Strike Group, which many of you know was down in the Western hemisphere, redeployed across the Atlantic to set the theater. The ship, her crew, their families and the entire strike group took a deep breath, and as they always do, began planning to conduct combat operations. The integrated Reserve and National Guard Forces have continued to demonstrate the value of America's Reserve Forces, including the Wisconsin Army National Guard operating in Kuwait and Iraq and Air National Guard
units from a variety of states, to include Vermont and Virginia. In the case of the Vermont Air National Guard and the 158th Fighter Wing, they were mobilized for Operation Absolute Resolve and then were tasked to take their F-35As across the Atlantic instead of going home, to be prepared to support this operation. The same is with our Air National Guard and Air Force Reserve Command Tanker and Mobility Forces, who stepped right out of their civilian jobs to deploy and to protect the region.
Lastly, I want to highlight the unsung heroes of warfare, our American Logisticians and Sustainment Force, those who quietly work every day behind the scenes to project and sustain America's combat power. Our leaders from World War II were right when they said, "Professionals do logistics."
As regional tensions rose, the Joint Force elevated our force protection measures on the order of the secretary and repositioned discretely civilians and non-essential personnel designed to ensure the safety and security of our Joint Force. By the time operations began, only essential forces remained on our bases and in theater, all ready, capable to respond.
So now, let me move to H-Hour. At 15:38, 3:38 P.M., on Friday, February 27th, the United States Central Command, through the secretary of war, received the final go order from President Trump. The president directed, and I quote, "Operation Epic Fury is approved. No aborts. Good luck," - close quote.
In the region, every element of the Joint Force made their final preparations. Air defense batteries readied themselves, checking their systems to respond to Iranian attacks. Pilots and crews rehearsed their strike packages for the final time. Air crews began loading their final weapons, and two carrier strike groups began to move towards their launching points.
Across the globe, our operations centers came alive in Tampa, Florida, here at the Pentagon, and of course, forward in the Central Command AOR. As always, operational security was paramount as we sought to maintain and sustain the element of surprise. This operation was highly classified so that at H-Hour, the enemy would see one thing: speed, surprise and violence of action.
The first movers were USCYBERCOM and USSPACECOM, layering non-kinetic effects, disrupting and degrading and blinding Iran's ability to see, communicate and respond. At H-Hour, the beginning of major combat operations, 01:15 local Eastern Daylight Time, 9:45 local A.M. Tehran time, as dawn crept up across the Central Command AOR, the skies surged to life. More than 100 aircraft launched from land, sea, fighters, tankers, airborne early-warning electronic attack, bombers from the States and unmanned platforms forming a single, synchronized wave. This was a daylight strike based on a trigger event conducted by the Israeli Defense Forces, enabled by the U.S. Intelligence Community.
The first shooters at sea were Tomahawks unleashed by the United States Navy, closed in on Iranian naval forces, and began to conduct strikes across the southern flank in Iran. On the ground, forces fired precision standoff weapons, measured, deliberate, precise, and lethal. This was a massive, overwhelming attack across all domains of warfare, striking more than 1,000 targets in the first 24 hours.
We are now roughly 57 hours into the operation. In the initial phase, CENTCOM's focus was systematic targeting of Iranians' command and control infrastructure, naval forces, ballistic missile sites, and intelligence infrastructure designed to daze and confuse them. Coordinated space and cyber operations effectively disrupted communications and sensor networks across the area of responsibility, leaving the adversary without the ability to see, coordinate, or respond effectively.
The combined impact of these strikes, swift, precise, and overwhelming, has resulted in the establishment of local air superiority. This air superiority will not only enhance the protection of our forces but also allow them to continue the work over Iran.
Over the course of the last two days, the Joint Force has launched hundreds of missions from land and sea and delivered tens of thousands of pieces of ordinance. The effort continues to scale. This included American B-2 bombers, which, again, similar to Midnight Hammer, flew a 37-hour roundtrip sortie from the continental United States, dropping precision penetrating munitions on Iranian underground facilities across the southern flank and slightly deeper.
Additionally, Israel has separately executed hundreds of sorties against hundreds of targets.
Beyond Air Force and Navy, aircraft strike packages, coordinated salvos of precision standoff weapons from across the region, have neutralized hundreds of pre-planned targets. As I mentioned earlier, in support of these kinetic operations, USCYBERCOM and SPACECOM have continuously layered effects to disrupt, disorient, and confuse the enemy.
I will note that this operation had several combat firsts, which I'll allow at some point in the future Admiral Cooper to talk about since he owns the AOR.
While we've prosecuted a relentless offensive campaign, our defense has been equally important. Across the theater, operations have remained steady and disciplined. Once again, our integrated air and missile defense network is performing exactly as it's intended. U.S. Patriot and THAAD batteries along with ballistic missile defense-capable Navy destroyers continue to coordinate and execute intercepts with precision and consistency.
I wish that every American could hear the voice communications like I have as these joint operations centers remain calm, focused, and cool while executing under fire over and over again. Collectively, these systems have intercepted hundreds of ballistic missiles targeting U.S. forces, our partners, and regional stability.
The threat from one-way attack UAVs has remained persistent. Our systems have proven effective in countering these platforms, engaging targets rapidly. Each intercept represents hundreds of hours of training, readiness, and technology all coming together to work as designed. We will remain vigilant in the counter-UAV fight.
And the defense of the region is not ours alone. As the threat grew, our partners surged in beside us. Air defense batteries in Qatar, the UAE, Kuwait, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia joined the fight, proof positive that years of training, trust, and hard-earned integration pay off.
I am aware of the loss of three U.S. Air Force F-15Es overnight in the region. I am grateful for the safety of the crews, and we know that this was not from hostile enemy fire. As this matter's under investigation, I'll not comment further on this.
Let me close. Operations will remain active across the theater and across the globe. The U.S. forces are postured not only to maintain pressure but to respond and adapt as required. Operation Epic Fury stands as a reminder of what the United States military uniquely delivers, the ability to project power on a global scale
with speed, surprise, precision, and overwhelming force when and where our nation requires it.
What we've demonstrated over the past several days reflects years of investment in readiness, joint integration, and professionalism of the Joint Force. As major combat operations continue across CENTCOM, we remain engaged globally.
America's Joint Force retains a credibility, capacity, and flexibility to respond to any contingency anywhere in the world at any time. To those who would test our resolve or threaten the United States, our allies, or our interests, understand clearly we can reach you, we can sustain the fight, and we can scale the fight, and we will prevail.
To the American people, your Joint Force remains steady, frosty, calm, and focused. Your service members are trained, disciplined, and determined. We understand the risks of this mission and the weight of the responsibility that we carry. We also recognize that our families also shoulder the burden at home. You are a part of this, too.
I am proud today as I am every day to stand as a member of America's Joint Force. There is no mission too complex, no distance too great, and no adversary too determined for the men and women who wear our nation's uniform.
We mourn our fallen, we honor their families, and we continue our mission with focus, unity, and strength.
どのように編集したか（3つの操作）
1. 情報の削減（30％カット）
原文の主張・例示・強調表現のうち、
• 具体的なレトリック
• 重複する強調
• 感情的な語彙
• 同じ意味の繰り返し
を削りました。
例：原文の“If you kill Americans… we will hunt you down… without apology and without hesitation…”
→ 「アメリカ人を脅かせば、必ず対処する姿勢を示した」に圧縮。
2. 意味の統合（複数文を1つの論旨にまとめる）
原文は政治的レトリックが多く、同じ主張を複数の角度から繰り返します。
これを 1つの意味の塊（チャンク）に統合 しました。
例：
• “America first”
• “draw the line”
• “being American means something unbreakable”
→ 「強い姿勢を示した」 に統合。
実際に行った編集の具体例（Before → After）
原文“They were building missiles and drones to create a conventional shield for their nuclear blackmail ambitions…”
70％捕捉
「核による圧力を守る“通常戦力の盾”を作ろうとしていた。」→ 比喩は残しつつ、説明部分を圧縮。
原文“It almost worked under Obama and his terrible deal, but not under this president.”
70％捕捉
「過去の合意では抑えられなかったが、今回は状況が変わった。」
→ 人物名・評価語を削除し、事実関係だけ残す。
1. 敵の攻撃について
■ 原文の主張
• 敵が追い詰められ、本性を現した
• イランがミサイル・ドローンで民間施設を無差別攻撃
• 長年の破壊的戦術が続いている
■ 削った部分（レトリック・重複）
• “in their desperation, the enemy is unmasked”
• “cowardly terrorist tactics… cowardly terrorist tactics…”（重複）
• “lies, death and destruction to this day”（感情語の羅列）
■ 残した部分（70％）
• 敵が追い詰められ、無差別攻撃を行っている
• 長年続く破壊的な戦術が再び表れている
2. イランの軍事構造について
■ 原文の主張
• イランは代理勢力・ミサイル・ドローン・地下核施設を作ってきた
• 平和目的なら地下に隠す必要はない
■ 削った部分
• “built nothing except…”（強い断定）
• “Peaceful nuclear ambitions do not need to be buried underneath mountains.”（比喩的強調）
■ 残した部分
• イランは軍事力と地下核施設を拡大してきた
• 平和目的ではないと示唆される
3. ミッドナイト・ハンマー作戦後の交渉
■ 原文の主張
• 核計画は破壊された
• 「合意しろ」と伝えたが拒否
• 再建すればさらに強い措置と警告
• 外交努力は何度も行われた
• テヘランは交渉ではなく時間稼ぎをしていた
■ 削った部分
• “obliterated to rubble”（強い破壊表現）
• “That’s it. Now make a deal.”（逐語的な引用）
• 人名の羅列（外交努力の主体としては不要）
• “I watched it. I was there.”（語り手の個人的強調）
• “over and over and over again”（強調の繰り返し）
■ 残した部分
• 核計画は壊滅した
• 合意を求めたが拒否された
• 外交的な道は何度も提示された
• テヘランは時間稼ぎをしていた
2. 削る部分（レトリック・比喩・感情語）
70％捕捉では、以下のような 感情的・修辞的・詩的表現 を削除します。
• “War is hell and always will be.”（比喩）
• “the absolute best of America.”（感情語）
• “epic fury for them…”（強いレトリック）
• “let me speak straight to you”（語り手の演出）
• “This is your moment.”（鼓舞のレトリック）
• “generational turning point America has waited for since 1979”（歴史的誇張）
• “rudderless wars of hubris”（比喩＋評価語）
• “don’t listen to the noise”（比喩）
• “steady at the wheel” （比喩）
• “History doesn’t care if we’re tired…”（詩的表現）
• “rise anyway.”（詩的強調）
これらは 論旨に直接関係しない修飾 なので削除。
3. 統合部分（列挙 → 1つの意味にまとめる）
原文には「鼓舞」「称賛」「歴史的意義」などの重複が多いため、
70％捕捉では 1つの意味に圧縮 します。
原文の列挙
• tired
• scared
• fight feels big
→ 「困難があっても」 に統合。
原文の列挙
• moment
• turning point
• since 1979
• since rudderless wars
→ 「重要な局面」 に統合。
2. 削る部分（レトリック・比喩・感情語）
70％捕捉では、以下のような 感情的・修辞的・詩的表現 を削除します。
• “Peace through strength, the warrior ethos… those are not slogans.”（強いレトリック）
• “the beating heart of what it means to wear the uniform”（比喩）
• “think clearly under fire, act decisively in chaos”（詩的表現）
• “We are not defenders anymore. We are warriors…”（強い対比レトリック）
• “History is watching.”（象徴的表現）
• “focused, disciplined, lethal, and unbreakable.”（形容詞の羅列）
• “through fire, through criticism, through fake news, through everything”（繰り返し強調）
• “the best, most powerful, most lethal fighting force the world has ever seen”（誇張）
• “May Almighty God watch over you…”（宗教的祈願の修辞）
• “Godspeed warriors and keep going.”（詩的激励）
これらは 論旨に直接関係しない修飾 なので削除。
Companies are facing rising energy and material costs.
Consumer demand is shifting toward sustainable products.
Regulations are tightening due to environmental concerns.
Supply chains are disrupted by extreme weather events.
Investors are prioritizing ESG performance.
解答例
「主語・動詞・因果だけを抜き出す」模範解答を、構造化して示します。
この段階はコーピング統合システムの“第1層（核抽出）”にあたり、最も重要な基礎です。
1. Companies are facing rising energy and material costs.
• 主語（S）：Companies
• 動詞（V）：are facing
• 因果（C）：rising energy and material costs（＝原因・対象）
The company is expanding sustainable product lines while reducing emissions.
Governments are increasing incentives for renewable energy adoption.
Consumers are demanding more transparency in supply chains.
Climate risks are affecting production and logistics.
ESG reporting requirements are becoming stricter.
1. The company is expanding sustainable product lines while reducing emissions.
メタ言語構造化「全体としては、持続可能な製品拡大と排出削減の両方を進めています。」
ポイント
• 2つの動き → 「全体としては」で統合
• “while” の対比を吸収して1文にまとめる
2. Governments are increasing incentives for renewable energy adoption.
メタ言語構造化「背景には、再生可能エネルギーの普及を後押しする動きがあります。」
ポイント
• 政府の行動 → “背景には” が自然
• “incentives” を抽象化して「後押し」
3. Consumers are demanding more transparency in supply chains.
メタ言語構造化「要するに、供給網の透明性を求める声が高まっています。」
ポイント
• 消費者の要求 → “要するに” で結論先出し
• “more transparency” を抽象化して「透明性」
4. Climate risks are affecting production and logistics.
メタ言語構造化「ポイントは、気候リスクが生産と物流に影響していることです。」
ポイント
• 影響範囲が2つ → “ポイントは” が適切
• “affecting” を「影響している」に再構成
原文 “Companies are investing heavily in renewable energy and sustainable materials. At the same time, regulatory pressure is increasing, and consumers are demanding more environmentally responsible products.”
例題②
原文 “Climate change is accelerating, leading to more frequent extreme weather events. Governments are implementing new regulations, and companies are investing in sustainability initiatives.”
例題③
原文 “Digital transformation is reshaping industries. Automation, AI, and cloud technologies are driving efficiency, but they also require new skills and organizational changes.”
ーーーーーーーーーーーーーーーーーーーーー
例題①解答例
原文 “Companies are investing heavily in renewable energy and sustainable materials. At the same time, regulatory pressure is increasing, and consumers are demanding more environmentally responsible products.”
① 核抽出
• 投資：renewable energy / sustainable materials
• 圧力：regulatory pressure
• 需要：consumer demand for responsible products
② MECE分類
• 企業側の動き（再エネ・持続可能素材への投資）
• 外部要因（規制・消費者の要求）
例題②解答例
原文 “Climate change is accelerating, leading to more frequent extreme weather events. Governments are implementing new regulations, and companies are investing in sustainability initiatives.”
① 核抽出
• 気候変動の加速
• 異常気象の増加
• 政府の規制
• 企業の投資
② MECE分類
• 環境要因（気候変動・異常気象）
• 政策要因（政府の規制）
• 企業要因（サステナ投資）
例題③解答例
原文 “Digital transformation is reshaping industries. Automation, AI, and cloud technologies are driving efficiency, but they also require new skills and organizational changes.”
① 核抽出
• デジタル化が産業を変えている
• 技術（AI・自動化・クラウド）が効率を押し上げる
• 新しいスキルと組織変革が必要
Hillary Clinton speaks to reporters after closed-door House deposition on Epstein
Hilary: Hello everybody. Good evening. Well, I have just finished testifying. I answered every one of their questions as fully as I could. based on what I knew and what I knew is what I said in my statement this morning. I never met Jeffrey Epstein. Never had any connection or communication with him. I knew Gallaine Maxwell, casually as an acquaintance but whatever they asked me, I did my very best to respond.
Um it was disappointing that they refused to hold a public hearing, so I wouldn't have to be out here characterizing it for you. You could have seen it for yourself. We had asked for that. We think it would have been better for the committee and its efforts to gather whatever information they are seeking. We had a bit of a challenge in the beginning because we had agreed upon rules based on the fact it was going to be a closed hearing at their demand, and one of the members violated that rule, which was very upsetting because it suggested that they might violate other of our agreements. So we had that cease the hearing for a period of time until we could get assurances that no rules would be broken going forward, and we returned to answer questions repetitively, literally, over and over again.
I don't know how many times I had to say I did not know Jeffrey Epstein. I never went to his island. I never went to his homes. I never went to his offices. Uh, so it's on the record numerous times. Uh It then got at the end. quite unusual because I started being asked about UFOs. and a series of questions about Pizza Gate.
One of the most vile, bogus conspiracy theories that was propagated on the internet. that was serving as the basis of a member's question to me. so I can only say that the best exchange that I had came at the very end. when contrary to every other deposition they have. taken No Republican member asked any questions about Jeffrey Epstein or Delaine Maxwell to anyone else they have deposed and in fact the Republican members didn't even show up. for the deposition of less Wexner. and when I said that I had to point out that the only questions that any Republican member asked. of any of the people they deposed was of former Attorney General Bill Barr when Chairman Comer asked him. about the allegations in his view about Russia's involvement in my election in 2016.
So at the very end of this hearing after I made that point. I want to commend Chairman Comer for raising a series of significant questions that I responded to about the nature of the investigation and the areas that I thought should be explored. Uh, so I appreciated that. I uh want to see the truth come out, uh, so that was uh a reassuring way to end a very long repetitive, uh, deposition.
Jornalist: Madam Secretary, you spoke in your opening remarks about how a heartbroken you have been for the Epstein survivors as these files have come out. Can you talk to us a little bit about how you have processed and reacted to, uh, the fact that the former president, your husband Bill Clinton is reference to the Epstein files numerous times, including in some photos, uh, featuring women and how have you been personally preparing for the deposition that is coming tomorrow. Are you 100% confident that there isn't anything that the former president knows about Epstein's runs?
Hilary: I am, and I think the chronology of the connection that he had with Epstein Epstein ended years, several years before anything about Epstein's criminal activities came to light and that he was charged and sadly given a sweetheart deal which, as I said in my statement, had that not happened, perhaps his predatory behavior could have been stopped earlier, but I think it is fair to say that the vast majority of people who had contact with him before his criminal pleas in 08, uh, we're like most people, they did not know what he was doing, and I, I think that that is exactly what my husband will testify to tomorrow.
Journalist: Madam Secretary, Do you believe this was a fair hearing, and do you still want to testify publicly even though you did this deposition?
Hilary: IWell, I'm not going to do it again, you know, they had a chance to do it in public, and I wish they had done it in public, and I think they're making the wrong decisions avoiding doing it in public Um I thought it was very repetitive. I thought that they asked literally the same questions over and over again, which didn't seem to me to be very productive. Uh, and then, as I said, toward the end, you know, there were other questions that were totally off off subject. Uh. So if, if they are going to fulfill their responsibilities to literally investigate the investigations, which is what they originally said was the scope of their work. I think they could have spent the day more productively.
Jornalist: Madam Secretary, what was your reaction that President Trump wasn't called? What is the-
James Mathews :
Madame secretary, can I ask? James Mathews from Sky News. Can I ask, why was Ghislaine Maxwell invited to your daughter, Chelsea Clinton's wedding in 2010? She'd already been mentioned in a civil lawsuit by Virginia Dupree before that. Jeffrey Epstein had already been convicted before then.
Hillary:
She came as the plus one, the guest of someone who was invited.
Journalists :
Madam Secretary, can we have your reaction please-
Hillary:
Thank you, all.
Journalists :
... to the photos of your husband in the hot tub in the swimming pool?
What message does it send that President Trump was not called to testify?
Hillary :
I don't know when the video will be out. I don't know when the transcript will be out. We've asked that they be out as quickly as possible and then you can see everything. Thank you.
Journalist : Madam secretary, what was your reaction to your husband's photos in the hot tub? We heard from Bill Gates' concerns about Epstein trying to blackmail him.
