Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez on Sunday submitted his Bolivarian revolution to the test in a crucial election that seek to maintain their power in the National Assembly to ensure the future of its political project and move well in the elections of 2012, in Socialist leader who tries to keep the presidency for six years.
More than 17.7 million Venezuelans are called to the polls to elect 167 members of the National Assembly and its 12 representatives in the Latin American Parliament. The projections regarding the abstention are minimal, because it is one of the most momentous elections in the democratic history of this country.
With this there are 13 elections held since coming to power in 1999, of which Chavez has lost only once, in 2007, but ultimately had no effect because the opposition wanted more far-reaching reforms that tried to pass in those the election managed to move forward in other ways, for example, the indefinite reelection of all charges.
Unlike previous contests, these have been preceded by an intense campaign that further rekindled the conflict between 'Chavez' and opponents. The need for early and keep the overwhelming majority of the urgency of the latter to recover the lost seats, has led to a radicalization almost unheard of two poles that dominate political life in Venezuela.
To ensure the future of his revolution, Chávez needs to repeat their fate in 2005 when the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) won an absolute majority after the opposition withdrew from the race claiming an alleged pro-government position by part of the National Electoral Council (CNE).
But this year the picture is very different. The opposition for the first time has agreed to a cohesive unit in the Bureau of Democracy (MUD) to make a common front against Chávez and to recover the seats in the legislature, not become so obvious internal differences.
Some polls show a possible tie between the 'Chavez' and the opposition coalition, but it appears that the PSUV will remain the majority and the MUD could grab a third of the unicameral Parliament, which would lead to freedom of which Chavez has enjoyed five years to pass legislation much wanted.
"Just a reminder of what we're going to do on Sunday at the squalid (opponents) are going to be demolished. In 2010 we have to win this fight well won by 'TKO'. Why is the smell and 2011 and 2012 "cried the Bolivarian president on Thursday at the massive end of his campaign.
The Venezuelan president's strategy was to make people see the return of the "skinny" might be the failure of programs for the poor - which account for more than 60 percent of the population - the time a decline in the economic and social course of the South American nation.
CHAVEZ LAW
The fact that no opposition was filed in 2005 has been a political price they have paid several sectors of society, because the PSUV has given the green light to all expropriations Chavez has raised, according to industry organizations, as in 2010 only added 174.
In this five-year term, the National Assembly dominated by PSUV has approved more than 150 laws, among which are included - in addition to the nationalization - the restriction of the Central Bank autonomy and reforms to financial system regulation , education, land ownership and agricultural development.
Chavez used his majority in Parliament to reorganize the system of regional powers, minus the budget and powers to states and municipalities, leaving these responsibilities in the hands of community organizations in charge of the Presidency.
This reform is played with a retribution on opponents, which came to power in major governorates and municipalities in the country in the November 2008 elections when the ruling was moved to enclaves as important as Caracas.
In 2007, Congress passed without difficulty an "enabling law" that gave him almost absolute powers to Chavez to legislate by decree for a year and a half in strategic sectors of the economy and the judiciary.
But what has undoubtedly been the target of international criticism are large expropriations. According to the Venezuelan Confederation of Industries (Conindustria), in so far this year the Government has taken over 174 companies, of which 129 are related to the hydrocarbon sector.
Only in the first eight months of 2010 the number of cases against commercial private property in Venezuela increased 923.5 percent compared to 2007 when Chavez seized by decree of a total of 17 companies.
The nationalizations have cost the state about 30,000 million (23,000 million euros), representing 11 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) of Venezuela, according to data released by economist Asdrubal Oliveros, Ecoanalítica private organization.
STRATEGY OF THE OPPOSITION
The opposition in these elections will try to capitalize on the discontent and frustration of a large group of Venezuelans who see Chavez as a champion of communism in South America. His critics fear the possibility that Venezuela follow the same steps in Cuba.
The MUD, which brings together some thirty party has promised to respect private property, take down the most controversial reforms Chavez, controlling public spending, ensuring freedom of speech and legislate to end the uncertainty, a scourge that Venezuelans consider the main problem.
Despite the support given to the "skinny" for much of the private media and major corporations, this time they have had to address the lack of resources, but this will not be an obstacle to Sunday mass mobilization supporters.
Opponents plan to leverage the large deployment announced by the PSUV - funded by the State - to get "camouflaged" in the polls. "We, of course, with the help of billionaire operating vast that the Government is prepared to mobilize," said Thursday the secretary of MUD, Ramon Guillermo Aveledo.
'As the vote is secret, the Government will do us the favor of many voters also mobilize our own and hereby extend our appreciation for the involuntary collaboration. But effective ", quipped at a news conference Aveledo.
The opposition hopes to repeat the victory of the 2007 elections, when prevented by a small difference, Chávez approved a package of reforms that eventually brought them out in other ways.
"We rely on high as the presence of spontaneous vote of the people who want to express their vote and that will be present at polling stations," he said.
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More than 17.7 million Venezuelans are called to the polls to elect 167 members of the National Assembly and its 12 representatives in the Latin American Parliament. The projections regarding the abstention are minimal, because it is one of the most momentous elections in the democratic history of this country.
With this there are 13 elections held since coming to power in 1999, of which Chavez has lost only once, in 2007, but ultimately had no effect because the opposition wanted more far-reaching reforms that tried to pass in those the election managed to move forward in other ways, for example, the indefinite reelection of all charges.
Unlike previous contests, these have been preceded by an intense campaign that further rekindled the conflict between 'Chavez' and opponents. The need for early and keep the overwhelming majority of the urgency of the latter to recover the lost seats, has led to a radicalization almost unheard of two poles that dominate political life in Venezuela.
To ensure the future of his revolution, Chávez needs to repeat their fate in 2005 when the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) won an absolute majority after the opposition withdrew from the race claiming an alleged pro-government position by part of the National Electoral Council (CNE).
But this year the picture is very different. The opposition for the first time has agreed to a cohesive unit in the Bureau of Democracy (MUD) to make a common front against Chávez and to recover the seats in the legislature, not become so obvious internal differences.
Some polls show a possible tie between the 'Chavez' and the opposition coalition, but it appears that the PSUV will remain the majority and the MUD could grab a third of the unicameral Parliament, which would lead to freedom of which Chavez has enjoyed five years to pass legislation much wanted.
"Just a reminder of what we're going to do on Sunday at the squalid (opponents) are going to be demolished. In 2010 we have to win this fight well won by 'TKO'. Why is the smell and 2011 and 2012 "cried the Bolivarian president on Thursday at the massive end of his campaign.
The Venezuelan president's strategy was to make people see the return of the "skinny" might be the failure of programs for the poor - which account for more than 60 percent of the population - the time a decline in the economic and social course of the South American nation.
CHAVEZ LAW
The fact that no opposition was filed in 2005 has been a political price they have paid several sectors of society, because the PSUV has given the green light to all expropriations Chavez has raised, according to industry organizations, as in 2010 only added 174.
In this five-year term, the National Assembly dominated by PSUV has approved more than 150 laws, among which are included - in addition to the nationalization - the restriction of the Central Bank autonomy and reforms to financial system regulation , education, land ownership and agricultural development.
Chavez used his majority in Parliament to reorganize the system of regional powers, minus the budget and powers to states and municipalities, leaving these responsibilities in the hands of community organizations in charge of the Presidency.
This reform is played with a retribution on opponents, which came to power in major governorates and municipalities in the country in the November 2008 elections when the ruling was moved to enclaves as important as Caracas.
In 2007, Congress passed without difficulty an "enabling law" that gave him almost absolute powers to Chavez to legislate by decree for a year and a half in strategic sectors of the economy and the judiciary.
But what has undoubtedly been the target of international criticism are large expropriations. According to the Venezuelan Confederation of Industries (Conindustria), in so far this year the Government has taken over 174 companies, of which 129 are related to the hydrocarbon sector.
Only in the first eight months of 2010 the number of cases against commercial private property in Venezuela increased 923.5 percent compared to 2007 when Chavez seized by decree of a total of 17 companies.
The nationalizations have cost the state about 30,000 million (23,000 million euros), representing 11 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) of Venezuela, according to data released by economist Asdrubal Oliveros, Ecoanalítica private organization.
STRATEGY OF THE OPPOSITION
The opposition in these elections will try to capitalize on the discontent and frustration of a large group of Venezuelans who see Chavez as a champion of communism in South America. His critics fear the possibility that Venezuela follow the same steps in Cuba.
The MUD, which brings together some thirty party has promised to respect private property, take down the most controversial reforms Chavez, controlling public spending, ensuring freedom of speech and legislate to end the uncertainty, a scourge that Venezuelans consider the main problem.
Despite the support given to the "skinny" for much of the private media and major corporations, this time they have had to address the lack of resources, but this will not be an obstacle to Sunday mass mobilization supporters.
Opponents plan to leverage the large deployment announced by the PSUV - funded by the State - to get "camouflaged" in the polls. "We, of course, with the help of billionaire operating vast that the Government is prepared to mobilize," said Thursday the secretary of MUD, Ramon Guillermo Aveledo.
'As the vote is secret, the Government will do us the favor of many voters also mobilize our own and hereby extend our appreciation for the involuntary collaboration. But effective ", quipped at a news conference Aveledo.
The opposition hopes to repeat the victory of the 2007 elections, when prevented by a small difference, Chávez approved a package of reforms that eventually brought them out in other ways.
"We rely on high as the presence of spontaneous vote of the people who want to express their vote and that will be present at polling stations," he said.
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