A year has passed since the "Thailand democracy crackdown incident"...
(-A football to democratization that I saw)
Ⅰ.Testimonies of travelers
"We all went to see it because it was close by, but it was scary, scary. There were pistol bullets flying all over the place..."
``The Thai government was talking about warning shots, but that's not true. Warning shots are meant to be fired into the air, but they hold the gun horizontally and point the muzzle toward you. I was really scared. They all crawled to the ground and ran away. The soldiers came down here to Khao San Road and shot bullets at my girlfriend's head. It was a close call. I went to see it with my child in my arms, thinking it was just the usual festival coup."
``The Royal Hotel near the Royal Palace Square is like a field hospital.Everyone took refuge in that hotel and casualties were brought in, so the carpet on the floor is a sea of blood.''
``Several tourists were injured or killed. I think there were about five foreigners dead. A Canadian, a German, a New Zealander, an Australian... It seems like there were a lot of people involved in the press. It wouldn't have been helped if they were shot in the heat of the moment, but some of them happened to be passing by on some business and were hit by stray balls and died. It's..."
``Everyone seems to have stopped the buses and cars and barricaded them.The bus was completely burnt out and it was terrible.The bus company suffered a lot of damage because of that, and now they are running until midnight. Aren't they going to raise bus fares eventually?"
In May of last year, the crackdown on the democracy demand movement that occurred in Thailand, known as the Land of Smiles, claimed the lives of many people and shed much blood.
According to the official announcement by the Thai newspaper Bangkok Post, about 50 people were killed and about 700 are missing. However, according to local people, more than 100 people were killed and between 1,000 and 2,000 (one theory says 8,000) are missing. It is said that they were taken away and buried or abandoned in a forest near the Myanmar border.
At one point, there were concerns that it might develop into a civil war, but the turmoil ended safely through the mediation of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is respected by the Thai people and has absolute authority.
After that, as a result of the general election held in September for democratization, Mr. Chuan, the leader of the Democratic Party, became the new prime minister, and Thai society has been showing its usual calm face, as if nothing had happened.
Near the Grand Palace Square, which became the center of the riots, and the Democracy Monument, there is Khao San Road, a famous hangout spot for white tourists. It takes about an hour and a half to get there by taking bus number 59 from the bus stop in front of Don Muang International Airport. When you see the Democracy Monument, get off at the next stop. Even if you don't know where to get off, just tell the bus conductor ``Khao San Road'' and he will know where to get off the bus. Khao San Road is a narrow road one street north of Ratchadam Road, where the Democracy Monument stands. There are many cheap hotels, ranging from 40 baht (200 yen) dormitory rooms to 200 baht (about 1,000 yen) rooms with air conditioners. You can usually stay for one night for around 60 to 80 baht (approximately 300 to 400 yen).
After the incident, I went to Thailand and was able to hear about the tense situation at the time of the incident from friends and travelers who were staying there for a long time. ``It was scary'' was the common word.
At the July Hotel near the Chinese Quarter (called Yaowara in Thai), which is famous as a place for Japanese people to stay, the front shutters were closed for the first time (in memory of my long stay there). Young motorcycle gangs appeared to be mocking the curfew by roaring through the streets at night.
II. Background to the birth of the Chuan administration
Why did such a bloody riot occur in the first place?
Words that symbolize the national character of Thai people are ``Sabaai'' and ``Maai Penrai.'' This phrase expresses the Thai way of life: ``Let's enjoy each day,'' without worrying too much about the details. ``Mai penrai'', which means ``don't worry about'' small things, is equivalent to ``no problem'' in English. Depending on how you use it, it can sound like "muh!", but it's a word that Thai people use frequently. What angered the patient Thai people who don't pay much attention to small things?
Let's look back at the cause and effect of the crackdown on the democracy movement, including the coup by General Suchinda, the May riots, and the birth of the Chuan government.
= Overthrow! Military dictatorship =
In February 1991, Army Commander Suchinda staged a coup d'état, criticizing the Chachai government's injustice and corruption. Chachai was forced to take over as prime minister in a coup and fled to Britain.
March 22, 1992. A general election was held, and five pro-military parties, including Justice United and the Thai People's Party, held a majority, and on the 25th, they nominated Mr. Narong, the leader of the Justice and Unity Party, as their candidate for prime minister. However, Mr. Naron was accused of being the mastermind behind drug trafficking, and the US government, which was carrying out an anti-drug campaign, complained. Immediately after the coup, Mr. Suchinda, who had declared that he had no interest in politics, announced on April 7 that he would not be able to hold a general election due to the support of five pro-national military-affiliated ruling parties. He slipped from the position of Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces to the position of Prime Minister. This is because Naron's mission as prime minister was rejected, and no other person who was well-known as a prime minister could be chosen.
As a result, a wide range of anti-government rallies, demonstrations, and hunger strikes were held, led by the leader of the opposition party, Mr. Chamrong, leader of the Moral Party.
Mr. Chamrong's anti-government rallies began on May 4th with a hunger strike, saying, ``It's either Prime Minister Suchinda's resignation or I die,'' and he called for ``Mr. Suchinda's resignation,'' and ``the appointment of a popularly elected prime minister as prime minister.'' Citizens enthusiastically participated in the rallies, demanding things like ``reducing the powers of the Senate, which has members with military missions.''
Mr. Chamrong, who has a charismatic charm, is a member of the Buddhist group Santi Asok, which boasts between 1 million and 3 million members in the metropolitan area alone.
He lived a simple life without the corruption and dark rumors that come with politicians, and as a clean and honest politician, he had gained immense popularity and trust from the citizens since he was the former governor of Bangkok.
Fearing the spread of this anti-government movement to overthrow the Suchinda government, the five ruling parties announced on May 9th, ``The prime minister will be elected from the popularly elected members of parliament,'' and ``the powers of the senators, whose mandate was given by the military, will be reduced.'' Mr. Chamron called off his hunger strike after reaching an agreement with the opposition parties on a constitutional amendment bill that included four key points. And on the 11th, the anti-government rally was also disbanded.
However, as the anti-government movement subsided, Prime Minister Suchinda refused to resign and decided to stay put, and the five pro-national military-affiliated ruling parties announced, ``The constitutional amendment will take effect four years after the end of the current prime minister's term.'' As a result, it appeared that the debate over constitutional revision was likely to become murky.
On May 17th, opposition parties called the Democratic League held another large rally in the square in front of the Royal Palace demanding Prime Minister Suchinda's resignation. More than 100,000 citizens participated in the rally, and the number continued to swell into the night.
For the past 60 years, the military has continued to effectively control Thai politics. Prime Minister Suchinda was confident that the people's democratic movement could be contained through conventional ``rule by force'' and ``suppression by force.''
At 4:30 a.m. on the 18th, the government and security authorities declared a state of emergency, and police and national army soldiers began indiscriminate firing on the people and arrested the movement's leader, Mr. Chamron. However, this repression added fuel to the fire, and anger against the Suchinda government exploded among the citizens, who up until then had maintained a policy of non-violence and non-resistance.
This must have been an expression of the people's pent-up feelings toward the military, which has always used force to get involved in politics and exploit interests.
There were repeated sporadic clashes between the military, which had begun to suppress the situation by force, and the people who had turned into riots, and the chaos in Bangkok continued for four days without any control.
The ``state of emergency'', which stipulates ``prohibition of gatherings of more than 10 people'' and ``prohibition of publication of documents criticizing the government,'' was completely ignored, and there were riots in the plaza in front of the Royal Palace, around the Democracy Monument, and at universities. Tens of thousands of people gathered, distributed leaflets calling for the overthrow of the government, and waged a guerrilla struggle.
With the exception of the Japanese government, which tolerated the repression by force as a "measure taken to restore law and order," European and American countries have criticized the use of force and protested one after another from a standpoint of respecting human rights. expressed his intentions.
Related to this criticism, there are concerns that prolonged unrest could worsen Thailand's image, have a serious impact on tourism, business expansion from various countries, and investment activities, and could also cause a major blow to the Thai economy. It has arisen.
On the 20th, the anti-government movement spread to rural areas and began to spread nationwide, including Songkhla in the south, Khon Kaen in the center, and Chiang Mai in the north, and the government began to struggle to respond.
Then, voices of opposition against Prime Minister Suchinda began to emerge from within the military, and military officers who supported former Prime Minister Prem rebelled against the Isarapon army commander and others, and faced the risk of civil war due to division of the military.
＝ The word Thai people hate the most: "Responsibility" =
Come here,
①. The persistence of anti-government movements that do not yield to armed force and the expansion of the movement within the country.
②, severe criticism from the international community and concerns about the economy,
3. Internal divisions within the military and the risk of civil war;
Due to the combination of these three circumstances, Prime Minister Suchinda's resignation was now only a matter of time.
However, information control was put in place within Thailand, and accurate information was not conveyed to the citizens, and only false rumors and rumors were spread, causing chaos in the city. If he steps down, Prime Minister Suchinda, his party leaders, and his military will be held responsible for the bloodshed and face capital punishment. Therefore, in order to protect themselves, the military personnel made a tacit agreement to use Prime Minister Suchinda as a scapegoat, to place all the blame on him, and to deflect public criticism of the military. Prime Minister Suchinda, who has been cut off by a lizard's tail, will definitely receive the death penalty if he resigns. So he made preparations to escape from the country, following past precedents and using diversionary tactics to buy time.
On the 20th, at 9:30 p.m., the Privy Council, an advisory body to King Bhumibol Adulyadej,
Chamrong and I had an audience with the King in the presence of former Prime Minister Prem and former Prime Minister Sanya, both of whom are elder statesmen. The king recommended that the domestic chaos be resolved through negotiation, and the situation was resolved by the king's ruling, which is known as the "Thai-style solution."
In Thailand, the king reigns over the people as an "absolute being" and is seen as a symbol of authority.
(As a similar figure, if you imagine the Emperor of Japan during the imperial system of militarism, which lasted from the restoration of the monarchy during the Meiji Restoration to the end of World War II, there is a similar figure called ``Thailand.'' (You may be able to understand the absoluteness of the king's authority.)
Prime Minister Suchinda was essentially forced to step down due to the people's movement to demand democracy, but he made good use of the overwhelming presence of the king. In other words, by accepting the king's mediation and taking the form of ``resigning at the king's word,'' he avoided responsibility for the massacre and bloodshed and ensured his safety after resigning as prime minister.
= Walking to democracy with enough clothing =
Along with the ``King'' and the ``Buddhist world,'' the ``military'' has held tremendous power as an inviolable entity. It can be said that they have continued to control the people. If the king and the Buddhist world used the power of ``authority'' and ``faith'' to make people mentally submit to them and control them, the military used the physical force of ``force'' to make people submit to them. . Therefore, this time as well, Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces Suchinda, the head of the military, has slipped to the position of prime minister, the country's highest political leader, even though he is not even a member of parliament.
People called for democratization and raised voices of criticism against the tyranny of the military, which until now had been an inviolable territory. This is because the introduction of foreign currency capital has resulted in remarkable economic growth over the past five to six years, which has enriched people's lives and created a middle class, especially in Bangkok. In Bangkok, the capital, it is said that over 60% of the population is now overseas Chinese. Furthermore, the educational level of the people was improving and their political awareness was also increasing.
Although the military could not be held responsible, they were able to force Prime Minister Suchinda to resign and win four constitutional amendments, including ``electing the prime minister from among the members of the national parliament'' and ``reducing the powers of senators.'' Although it was at the cost of the blood of many people, the people were able to definitely take one step forward in democratization in Thailand. Reforms for democratization (civic revolutions) always require blood to be shed on the earth as a sacrifice. This is different from a bloodless coup d'état, which is a power struggle. This incident was not a coup d'état, but a reform (citizen's revolution) seeking democratization.
On September 13th, another general election was held with the aim of establishing democratic politics.
The result of the election was a situation where the former ruling and opposition parties were evenly matched, with the former opposition party having a majority of more than 1% of seats. After the May Incident subsided, the former Minister of the Interior, who was in charge of managing the government during the transition period and working to revise the constitution as an interim cabinet, boldly promoted measures to exclude the military.
In Bangkok, which has a fixed number of 35 seats, the two former opposition parties won 32 seats: the Moral Party, led by former Bangkok Governor Chum Rong, won 23 seats, and the Democratic Party, led by leader Chuan, won 9 seats, raising hopes for democratization among Bangkok citizens. The intention was expressed. However, in the conservative rural farming areas, military-affiliated parties continued to show strength, partly because the military was the only one able to perform political functions on a nationwide scale.
Based on the results of this election, the former opposition parties of the Democratic Party, Pro-Hope Party, Morality Party, and Solidarity Party added the former ruling Social Action Party to form a coalition government with Mr. Chuan, the leader of the Democratic Party, who became the leading party. I decided to do it.
This is the history leading up to the Chuan administration.
Ⅲ Diagram of corruption in Thai society
Rumors of Chachai's return are rising again
An article appeared in a newspaper in January this year stating, ``Now, voices are once again beginning to appear in Thai political and business circles that they are looking forward to the return of former Prime Minister Chachai.''
This was at a time when less than four months had passed since the Chuan administration was inaugurated. It is strange that the Chuan administration, which was supposed to be in place to bring about democracy in Thai society, is being criticized by the opposition parties that have lost their former power, but are also losing support from the public.
＝ If the water is clean, there will be no fish.＝
As the new prime minister, Chuan's political agenda is to eliminate the military's influence on politics and establish a true parliamentary democracy. However, considering the fact that the difference in the number of seats between the pro-military opposition party and the opposition party is very small, and the fact that the Chuan administration is a coalition of five parties, there is a lack of alignment within the ruling party. Achieving this appears to be a difficult task. In fact, it is said that the foundation of the government has weakened since its inauguration.
For example, Chawalit New Hope Party leader, who served as interior minister in the Chuan administration, was one of the prime ministers before the election. Since he is a former army commander, there are even rumors that within the New Hope Party there is a growing movement to make him prime minister in alliance with pro-military opposition parties.
It is true that in the world of Thai politics, where political parties and party members repeatedly break up and disband every time there is a general election, it is not surprising that anything can happen.
Isn't the rumor that former Prime Minister Chachai will return, which has come up at a time like this, a statement that Chachai is a better choice for the current opposition party?
It seems that this is deeply connected to the corruption in Thai society.
Former Prime Minister Chachai is a politician similar to former Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka, who resigned due to the Lockheed corruption and Tanaka money scandal in Japan.He has political skills, but there are many dark rumors related to interests, and he has a corrupt politics. It was famous as a home.
Mr. Chuan, on the other hand, is a commoner prime minister who came from a poor family in Trang City, southern Thailand, and is known as an honest politician. He is a promoter of a moderate democratic path, and a rationalist who knows how to compromise without creating political enemies. At the same time, he is said to have a clear-headed and level-headed political philosophy.
Comparing these two contrasting politicians, it is clear that corruption and business that took advantage of public office, which were allowed under the Chachai regime, became extremely difficult to do under the Chuang regime. I can imagine it.
In Thai society, like in Japan, it is said that "politics is business," and many politicians, bureaucrats, and soldiers come from wealthy families who live in mansions in high-end residential areas.
It is natural not only for the upper class politicians, bureaucrats, and military personnel, but also for the business people who enjoy many privileges and benefits through collusion with political power, to wish for the return of corrupt former Prime Minister Chachai. It's probably an emotion.
Regardless of whether Mr. Chatchai will be able to return to the position of prime minister, these rumors themselves seem to symbolize the deep-seated structural corruption in Thai society.
``If politics were clean, government officials would not gain wealth.''
- Regarding collusive relationships between politicians, military personnel, overseas Chinese, and foreign companies -
Why has the military intervened in politics and controlled practical Thai politics over the past 60 years? This is because they can enrich their own pockets.
It is the overseas Chinese who are actually in control of Thailand's economy.
Politicians give political preferential treatment to overseas Chinese, protect them, and give them freedom in economic activities. In return, they receive a percentage of the profits they earn through profit sharing. In other words, by placing it within a certain framework of political authority and creating a situation in which economic activity cannot take place without the protection of political authority, economic activity is always allowed within that framework.
For example, a politician owns a pond and allows overseas Chinese to use it freely. Overseas Chinese use the ponds to raise fish from fry to adults, and in return for allowing them to use the pond, they give them a percentage of the fish. It's such a natural relationship. Of course, the water in the pond is at the discretion of politicians, so if relations with overseas Chinese become bad, they can freely drain or change the water. That is political authority or political power. The choice of who to rent out the limited ponds to use is also left in the hands of politicians.
At first glance, it seems as if a laissez-faire economic policy is being adopted, but it is actually a free economy within the framework of enclosed political power. Some say that Thai society is a power-parasitic type of capitalism created to allow politicians, soldiers, and bureaucrats to gain personal profit.
This relationship between politicians and overseas Chinese also applies to foreign companies. This is because economic activities in Thailand cannot be established without the protection of political authorities. Most companies that engage in economic activities in Thailand receive political protection by welcoming powerful politicians, bureaucrats, and military personnel into their companies as executives, advisors, and consultants. Or partner with a bridge with strong ties to political power.
The number of Japanese companies expanding into Thailand continues to increase year by year, but Japanese companies that have expanded into Thailand are also creating collusive relationships in this way and conducting economic activities with the protection of political power. Of course it is.
This relationship between politicians and overseas Chinese and foreign companies seems to be very similar to the collusive structure between Japanese politicians, bureaucrats, and companies. Even in Japanese companies, former high-level government officials are welcomed into the company as Amakudari, and serve as consultants, advisors, and executives, and provide benefits to the company. For example, there are dark rumors circulating between the Ministry of Construction and the civil engineering industry, such as ``rigging'' when ordering public works projects, and the administration of the Ministry of Transport, which handles a large amount of permitting, is always shrouded in a fog of opacity. It is said that
In the end, structural corruption and corruption among those in power are likely to be similar in all societies.
Even though we know that the military controls politics in Thailand, just as large corporations and bureaucrats control politics in Japan, how difficult is it to eliminate military control? .... If you consider that it is impossible to eliminate the control of large corporations and bureaucrats in Japanese politics, you will understand how difficult it is to do so.
It is said that young elites in Thailand go on to university with the aim of becoming civil servants such as soldiers, police officers, bureaucrats, and government officials. If you become a public servant, you will gain honor and prestige, and at the same time, you will be able to use your public office to enrich your own pockets. Structural corruption in Thai society is deep-rooted. It is deeply connected to the desires that people have. If those in power are less able to profit from corruption, there will be less of a ``spill-over'' to those below them. The lives of those at the bottom are the first to become difficult. And people started saying that things were better under former Prime Minister Chachai. Even in Japan, many people said that ``the era when Kakuei Tanaka was prime minister was economically richer.''
However, as long as structural corruption continues, coups will occur as power struggles for interests, and the military will intervene in politics. We are starting to move in the opposite direction to democratization.
The road to eliminating military influence and achieving democracy, imposed on the Chuan administration, is a thorny road with many obstacles ahead. But you have to try your best.
There is a saying that ``Even a single insect has five parts of its soul.''
In order not to waste the cries of the souls of the many people who fought and died for democracy, the Chuan administration, which was elected and came into existence in order to realize democracy, must have the courage to fight for democracy. We have to fight. Mr. Chuan, who came from a poor background, is able to feel in his heart the hopes and prayers of the downtrodden people of the lowest strata.
And when the time comes when Thai people can say to the government, ``Mai peilai'' (there is no problem) and ``Sabaee, sabaai'' (it's fun), I will visit this country again. I want to.
(“August 1, 1993”)
＊＊ 海外ドキュメント ＊＊
「タイ民主化弾圧事件」から一年たったが・・・・
（ － 私の見た民主化移行への足どり ー ）
Ⅰ、 旅行者たちの証言
「やっぱり近いから、皆で見に行ったけれど、怖い、怖い。拳銃の弾がバンバンと飛んでくるのだから・・・・」
「タイ政府は威嚇射撃なんて言っていたけれど、あれは違うね。威嚇射撃をというのは、空に向けて撃つものなのに、銃を水平に構えて、銃口をこちらへ向けて撃ってくるのだから････。 本当にビビッたよ。みな地面にへばりついて、這って逃げて来たさ。兵士がこのカオサン通りまでやって来て、ここでも銃を撃ってたな。俺の彼女なんか、弾が頭を掠めて危機一髪さ。いつものお祭りクーデターのつもりで、子供を抱いて見に行ったらとんでもない」
「王宮前広場の近くにあるロイヤル・ホテルなんて、まるで野戦病院さ。皆、あのホテルに逃げ込んだり、死傷者を運び込んだりしてたから、床の絨毯なんか血の海だよ」
「旅行者も、何人か怪我をしたり、死んだりしてるよ。外国人は五人くらい死んでいるはずだ。カナダ人とドイツ人と、ニュージーランド人だったか、オーストラリア人だったか・・・・。報道関係の人間が多かったみたいだ。野次馬で撃たれて死んだのなら仕方ないけど、何かの用事でたまたま通りかかって、流れ玉に当たって死んだ奴もいたようだ。可哀想に、運が悪かったのだな・・・」
「皆、バスとか車を止めて、バリケードにしたようだ。バスなんか、随分と燃えちゃってすごかったな。あれで、バス会社は相当な損害を被って、今なんか夜中まで走っているよ。そのうちバス代を値上げするんじゃないのか」
去年の５月、微笑の国と言われているタイで起きた、民主化要求運動に対する弾圧事件では、多くの人々の生命が奪われ、夥しい血が流された。
タイの新聞バンコック・ポストによる公式発表では、約５０人が死亡し、約７００人が行方不明になっている。しかし、現地の人々の話によると、１００人以上が死亡し、１０００人から２０００人（一説によると８０００人）位の人々が行方不明になっており、軍隊と警察が、殺した人々を車で運び去り、ミャンマー国境近くの森林に埋めたり、捨て去ったと言われている。
一時は内乱に発展するかもしれないと心配されたが、タイ国民に尊敬され、 絶対的な権威を持つ、プミポン国王の調停による収拾という形で、騒乱は無事に幕を閉じた。
その後、九月に民主化に向けてなされた総選挙の結果、 民主党党首であるチュアン氏が新首相となり、タイの社会は何ごとも無かったかのように、いつもの穏やかな顔を見せている。
騒乱の中心地となった王宮前広場と、民主記念塔の近くには、白人旅行者の溜まり場として有名なカオサン通りがある。ドンムァン国際空港前のバス停から５９番のバスに乗って、約一時間半くらいの場所だ。民主記念塔が見えたら、次の停留場で下車する。降りる場所が分からなくとも、バスの車掌さんに「カオサン・ロード」と言っておくと、心得たもので、ちゃんと降ろしてくれる。カオサン通りは、民主記念塔が建っている大通りラチャダム通りから、一つ北側に入った細い道だ。４０バーツ（２００円）のドミトリ（大部屋）から、クーラー付の２００バーツ（約１０００円）の部屋まで、多くの安宿が並んでいる。普通は６０バーツから８０バーツ（約３００円から４００円）前後で一泊できる。
事件後、私はタイへ行って、長期滞在の友人や旅行者から、事件の時の緊迫した状況を聞くことができた。「怖かった」というのが共通した一言である。
日本人の留まり場として有名な中国人街（タイ語ではヤワラーという）の近くのジュライ・ホテルでは、（長期滞在の記憶では）初めての表のシャッターが閉ざされたとのことだ。モーターサイクル・ギャングと呼ばれる暴走族の若者たちが、轟音を立てて、夜の街を駆走し、夜間外出禁止令をあざ笑うかのようであったという。
Ⅱ、 チュアン政権誕生までの経緯
そもそも何故このような流血の騒乱が起きたのか？
タイ人の国民性をを象徴している言葉に ” サバーイ ”、 ”マーイ・ペンライ” というのがある。詳細な事はあまり気にしないで、「一日一日を楽しく過ごそう」という、タイ人の人生観を表わしている言葉だ。小さな事は ”気にしない” という意味の ”マイ・ペンライ” は、英語の ”ノー・プロブレム” に当たる。使え方によっては、「ムッ！」とくる言葉であるが、タイ人が頻繁に使う言葉だ。小さな物事はあまり気にしない、忍耐強いタイ人を怒らせたものは何か？
民主化運動弾圧事件の因果関係、すなわちスチンダ陸軍司令官のクーデター、五月の騒乱事件、そしてチュアン政権の誕生までの経緯を振り返ってみよう。
＝ 打倒！ 軍部独裁政権 ＝
１９９１年 ２月、スチンダ陸軍司令官らが、チャチャイ政権の不正腐敗を批判して、クーデターを起こした。クーデターで首相の座を追われたチャチャイ氏は英国に亡命する。
１９９２年 ３月２２日。総選挙が行なわれ、正義団結成、タイ国民党などの国軍支持派の５政党が過半数を占め、２５日には、正義団結党党首であるナロン氏を首相候補として指名した。ところがナロン氏には、麻薬密売の黒幕としての疑惑があるとして、麻薬撲滅運動を展開していたアメリカ政府からクレームがついた。そこで、クーデター直後には、「政治には関心はない」と公言していたスチンダ氏が、４月７日になって、親国軍系の与党である５党の擁立により、総選挙を経ずに国軍最高司令官から、首相の座に横滑りしてしまった。ナロン氏の首相使命が拒否されて、他に首相好捕として、有名な人物を選出することができなかったからだ。
このため、野党の指導的な存在である道義党党首チャムロン氏らが中心となって、広範囲な反政府集会やデモ、ハンストによる抗議が行なわれた。
「スチンダ首相の辞任か、自分が死ぬかだ」と言って、５月４日から始まったチャムロン氏のハンストによる反政府集会は、”スチンダ氏の辞任 ”と ”民選の国会議員からの首相実現 ”、” 軍の使命議員を抱える上院の権限の縮小” などを求めて、市民がゾクゾクと集会に参加し盛り上がっていった。
カリスマ的な魅力を持つチャムロン氏は、首都圏だけで１００万人から３００万人の信者数を誇る、仏教集団サンティ・アソクの信者である。
政治家つきものの汚職や黒い噂もなく、質素な生活と清楚潔白な政治家として、前バンコク知事であった時から、市民に絶大なる人気と信頼を得ていた人物だ。
このスチンダ政権打倒の反政府運動の広がりを恐れた与党５党は、５月９日になって ”首相は民選の国会議員から選出する ”、”軍が使命した上院議員の権限を縮小する” などの４項目を骨子とする憲法改正案を、野党との間に合意し、チャムロン氏はハンストを中止した。 そして１１日には、反政府集会も解散することになった。
しかしながら、反政府運動が下火になると、スチンダ首相は辞任を拒否して居直りを決めこみ、親国軍系の与党５党は、「憲法改正の発効は現首相の任期終了の４年後におこなう」 などとして改憲議論もウヤムヤになりそうな様相を呈した。
５月１７日には、これに反発した野党各党の「民主連盟」によるスチンダ首相退陣要求の大集会が再び、王宮前広場において行なわれた。集会には１０万人以上の市民が参加し、市民の数は夜になっても増え続け膨れ上がっていった。
過去６０年間にわたり、実質的なタイの政治を支配し続けきたのは軍部である。スチンダ首相は従来の通りの「力による支配」、「武力による鎮圧」によって、市民の民主化運動を封じ込めてしまえると高（たか）を括（くく）っていた。
１８日、午前４時半、政府・治安当局は非常事態宣言を発して、警察隊と国軍兵士による民衆への無差別発砲と、運動の指導者であるチャムロン氏らの逮捕に踏み切った。しかし、この弾圧は火に油を注ぐ結果となり、それまでの非暴力、無抵抗主義を貫いていた市民のスチンダ政権への怒りが爆発した。
それは常に武力によって政治に関与し、利権を漁ってきた軍部に対する、国民の鬱積した感情の発露であったに違いない。
武力制圧に乗り出した軍隊と暴徒化した民衆の間では、散発的な衝突が繰り返され、収集がつかないまま、バンコクの騒乱状態は４日間にわたり続いた。
”１０人以上の集会の禁止”、”政府を非難する文書の発行禁止”などを内容とする 「非常事態宣言」は完全に無視され、王宮前広場や民主記念塔周辺、大学などには、数万人の民衆が集まり、政府打倒のビラが撒かれ、ゲリラ闘争が展開された。
武力による弾圧を ”法と秩序を回復するために採（と）られた処置” として容認した日本政府は例外として、欧米の各国は人権尊重の立場から、次々と武力行使を批判して抗議の意思を表明した。
この批判とも関連して、騒乱の長期化はタイのイメージを悪化させ、観光事業や各国からの企業進出、投資活動にも重大な影響を及ぼし、タイ経済にも大きな打撃を与えかねない懸念が生じてきた。
２０日には反政府運動は地方にも飛び火し、南部のソンクラー、中部のコンケーン、北部のチェンマイなど全国的に拡大する様相を見せ始め、政府は対応に苦慮し始める。
そして軍部内からもスチンダ首相に対する反発の声が出始め、プレム元首相を支持する軍将校はイサラポン陸軍司令官らに反旗を翻し、軍の分裂による内乱の危機に直面した。
＝ タイ人の最も嫌う言葉、「責任」 ＝
ここにきて、
①、武力に屈しない反政府運動の根強さと国内における運動の拡大、
②、国際社会からの厳しい批判と経済への懸念、
③、軍内部の分裂と内乱の危機、
という三つの状況が重なって、もはやスチンダ首相の退陣は時間の問題となっていった。
しかし、タイ国内では情報管制が敷かれて、市民には正確な情報が伝わらず、デマや噂だけが流れ、市内は混乱し続けた。退陣すれば、スチンダ首相をはじめ同派首脳、そして軍部は、流血の惨事の責任を問われ、極刑にされるであろう。そこで、軍部の人間たちは、自分たちの保身のために、スチンダ首相をスケープゴートにして、すべての責任を被せ、軍部への国民の批判をかわそうと暗黙の了解がなされた。トカゲのしっぽ切りにされたスチンダ首相は、辞任すれば死刑は間違いない。そこで時間かせぎに陽動作戦を取りながら、過去の前例に従い国外脱出の準備を整えた。
２０日、午後９時半、プミポン国王の諮問機関である枢密院（すうみついん）
のもと、元老であるプレム元首相、サンヤ元首相との同席のもとで、チャムロン氏と共に国王と拝謁した。 国王は国内の混乱状態を話し合いによって解決するように勧告し、事態は”タイ式解決法 ”といわれている国王の裁定によって収集された。
タイでは、国王は「絶対的な存在」として、民衆の上に君臨しており、権威の象徴とみなされている。
（似たような存在として、日本の歴史の、明治維新の王政復古から、第二次世界大戦の終結まで続く、天皇制軍国主義の頃の日本の天皇様をイメージしてみれば、「タイの国王の権威の絶対さ」が理解できるかもしれない）。
スチンダ首相は、実質的には、国民の民主化要求運動によって退陣に追い込まれたのだが、この絶体的な国王の存在を上手に利用した。つまり国王の仲裁を受け入れた ”国王のお言葉による退陣” という形を採ることによって、 殺戮と流血の惨事の責任を回避し、首相を辞任した後の安全を確保したのだ。
＝ 衣食足りて民主主義を知る ＝
「国王」と「仏教界」と並んで、「軍部」は不可侵的な存在として絶大な権力を握ってきた。国民を支配し続けてきた、と言ってもよい。国王と仏教界が ”権威 ”の力と ”信仰 ”の力によって、人びとを精神的に服従させ、支配してきたとすれば、軍部は ” 武力 ”という物理的な力によって、人びとを服従させてきた。だから、今回も軍部のトップであるスチンダ国軍最高司令官が、国会議員でもないのに、政治の最高責任者である一国の首相の座に横滑りしてしまった。
その今までは不可侵的領域であった軍部の横暴に対して、人々は民主化を求め、批判の声を上げた。なぜなら、外貨資本の導入による、ここ５～６年の著しい経済率により、バンコクを中心として、人びとの生活も豊かになり、中流階級が誕生してきたためだ。首都バンコクでは、今や６０パーセント以上が華僑であると言われている。また、国民の教育レベルも向上し、政治意識も高まってきていたからである。
軍部の責任は追及できなかったが、スチンダ首相を辞任に追い込み、”民選の国会議員からの首相の選出”、 ”上院議員の権限の縮小” など四項目の憲法改正を勝ち取ることができた。多くの民衆の血の代償によってではあるが、国民はタイの民主化を確実に一歩、前進させることができた。民主化のための改革（市民革命）には常に犠牲（いけにえ）として大地に血が流される。 権力闘争である無血クーデターとの相違である。今回の事件はクーデターではなく、民主化を求めた改革（市民革命）だったのだ。
「９月１３日」、民主政治の確立を目指して総選挙が再び行なわれた。
選挙の結果は、旧野党の議席が過半数を１パーセントを超えた、旧与野党勢力が拮抗する状況になった。 ５月事件の収拾後、暫定内閣として、過渡期の政府運営と改憲作業に当たった前内相は、大胆に軍の排除策を推進した。
定数３５議席のバンコックでは、前バンコック知事のチュムロン氏の率いる道義党が２３議席、チュアン党首が率いる民主党が９議席と、旧野党２党で３２議席を獲得し、バンコック市民の民主化への期待と意思が表明された。しかし、保守的な地方の農民地帯においては、全国的な規模で政治機能を果たせるのは、軍部だけという事情もあって、相変わらず国軍系の政党が強さを示した。
この選挙の結果を踏まえて、民主党、親希望党、道義党、連帯党の旧野党勢力は、旧与党の社会行動党を加え、第一党になった民主党党首チュアン氏とした連立政権を発足させることになった。
これがチュアン政権までの経緯である。
Ⅲ タイ社会における腐敗の講図
再び高まるチャチャイの復帰説
「今、タイの政財界では、再び、チャチャイ元首相の復帰を待望する声が、浮上している」 という内容の記事が、今年一月の新聞に掲載されてきた。
チュアン政権が発足してから四ヶ月も経過していない時期である。タイ社会の民主化実現のために誕生したはずのチュアン政権が、かつての権力を失った野党から批判されるのは当然としても、民衆からも支持を失いつつあるのは不思議な話である。
＝ 水清ければ魚棲まず ＝
新首相となったチュアン氏の政治課題は、政治に対する軍部の影響力を排除して、真の議会制民主主義を確立することになる。しかし、親国軍派である野党との議席数の差が、ごく僅かであることや、チュアン政権が五党の寄り合い所帯であることから生じる、与党内部の足並みの乱れなどから考えると、政治課題を実現するのは、前途多難であるように思われる。現に政権基盤は政権は発足時より弱まってきたと言われている。
例えば、チュアン政権の内相を勤めるチャワリット新希望党党首は、選挙前には、時期首相の一人になっていた人物である。そして、元陸軍司令官であったことから、新希望党の内部では親国軍派の野党と連合して、チャワリット氏を首相にしようとする動きが強まっている、と噂されているほどだ。
確かに総選挙の度に政党も党人も離合集散を繰り返す、タイの政治の世界においては、どのようなことが起こっても不思議ではない。
このような時期に出てきたチャチャイ元首相の復帰説は、現在の野党にとって、チャチャイ氏の方がベターな選択であることを、意思表示しているのでないのか？
それはタイ社会の腐敗講造と深く関わっているように思われる。
チャチャイ元首相は、日本国のロッキード汚職と田中金脈問題で辞任した、田中角栄元首相とよく似たタイプの政治家で、政治的な手腕はあるが、利権に絡む黒い噂が多く、腐敗政治家として有名であった。
一方のチュアン氏は、タイ南部のトラン市の貧しい家庭から出た庶民首相で、清楚な政治家として知られている。穏健な民主化路線の推進者で、政敵は作らず妥協をすることを知った合理主義者である。同時に、筋を通す冷徹な政治哲学の持ち主と言われている。
この対照的な二人の政治家を比較してみれば、チャチャイ政権下ではおこなわれ、許されていた汚職や公職を利用したビジネスが、チュアン政権では非常にできにくくなった、ということは十分に想像できる。
日本と同様に「政治はビジネスである」と言われているタイ社会では、政治家や官僚、軍人には高級住宅地の豪邸に住む裕福な家庭の出身者が多い。
上層階級である政治家、官僚、軍人にとってだけではなく、政治権力と癒着して多くの特権や利益を得ている財界人にとっても、腐敗政治のチャチャイ元首相の復帰を望むのは、自然な感情なのだろう。
チャチャイ氏が再び首相に復帰できるかどうかは別にして、このような噂自体がタイ社会の構造腐敗の根深さを象徴しているように思われる。
”政治が清ければ、官史は富を得ず” といったところだ。
－ 政治家、 軍人、 華僑、 外資系企業の癒着関係について －
過去６０年間にわたって、なぜ軍部が政治に介入し、実施的タイの政治を支配してきたのかといえば、法的な規制によって生じる権限や、政府が独占する公共事業などを利用して、個人的に私腹を肥やすことができるからである。
タイの経済を実質に掌握しているのは華僑である。
政治家は、華僑を政治的に優遇し、保護して経済活動の自由を与えてやる。その見返りとして、得た利益の何十パーセントから、利益分配させて吸い取るような形になっている。つまり一定の政治権限の枠の中に入れて、政治権力の保護なしには、経済活動ができないような状況を作りだして、常に、その中での経済活動を許しているのだ。
例えば、政治家は池を所有し、その池を華僑に自由に使わせる。華僑は池を使って、魚を稚魚から成魚へと育て上げ、池を使用させてもらったお礼に、魚を何十パーセントか分けて与える。そのような自然な関係になっている。も ちろん、池の水は政治家の自由になるのだから、華僑との関係が悪くなれば、自由に水を抜いたり、変えたりすることも出来る。それが政治的権限、あるいは政治的権力というものに当たるのだ。限られた池を誰に貸して使わせるかの選択も、政治家の手に委ねられている。
一見、自由放任的な経済活政策がとられているかのように思われるが、囲われた政治権力の枠の中での自由経済なのである。タイ社会は政治家や軍人や官僚たちが寄生して、個人的利益を得られるように作られた権力寄生型の資本主義である、という人もいる。
この政治家と華僑の関係は、外資系企業との間にも当てはまる。タイでの経済活動は、政治権力者の保護なしに成立できないからだ。タイでの経済活動を営むほとんどの企業は、政治家や官僚や軍人の実力者を重役や顧問や相談役として、自分の企業内に迎え入れて、政治的保護を受けている。または政治権力者と強い繋がりを持つ架橋をパートナーとしてる。
日本企業のタイへの進出は年々、増え続けているが、タイへ進出した日本企業も、このような形で癒着関係を作り、政治権力者の保護を受けて、経済活動をしているのは当然の話だろう。
この政治家と華僑や外資系企業系の関係は、日本の政治家、官僚と企業の癒着構造に酷似しているように思われる。日本企業でも、元政府高官官僚たちが、天下りとして、企業に迎え入れられ、相談役や顧問、重役となって、その企業を便宜を計ったりしている。また例えば、建設省と土建業界の間には、公共事業の発注の時の「談合」などの黒い噂が流れるし、許認可制を大量に取り扱う運輸省の行政は、常に不透明な霧に包まれていると言われている。
結局、どこの社会でも、権力者たちの構造汚職や腐敗は似たり寄ったりなのだろう。
大企業と官僚が、日本の政治を支配しているように、タイにおいては、軍部が政治を支配していることは分かっていても、軍部による支配を排除することがいかに困難なことか・・・。日本の政治において、大企業と官僚の支配を排除できないことを考えてみれば、ほとんど不可能に近い、その難しさが分かるであろう。
タイの青年エリートたちは、軍人や警察官や官僚、役人などの公務員になることを目指して、大学に進学すると言われている。公務員になれば、名誉や威光が得られ、同時に、公職を利用して、いくらでも私腹を肥やすことができるからだ。タイ社会の構造汚職の病巣は根深いものである。それは、人びとの持っている欲望と深く関わっている。権力者たちが汚職による利益を、あまり得ることができなくなれば、下の方にも ”おこぼれ” が回らなくなる。最下層の人間たちの生活が真っ先に苦しくなってくる。そして、人びとはチャチャイ元首相の時代の方が良かったと言いだすようになる。日本でも、「田中角栄が首相をしていた時代の方が、経済的に豊かであった」と言う人びとは多かった。
しかし、構造腐敗が続く限り、利権を求める権力闘争として、クーデターが起こり、軍部が政治に介入してくる。民主化とは逆方向へ歩み始めるのだ。
チュアン政権に課せられた、軍部の影響力の排除と民主主義への道は、前途多難な茨の道である。 しかし、頑張らねばならない。
”一寸の虫にも五分の魂” という言葉がある。
民主化を求めて戦い、死んだいった多くの民衆の魂の叫びを無駄にしないためには、民主化実現のために、選ばれ誕生したチュアン政権が気骨を持って、民主化のために闘わなければならないのだ。貧しい環境から出たチュアン氏ならば、最下層の虐げられた庶民の願いや祈りを、心の中に感じることができるであろう。
そしてタイ人が、政府に対して、”マイ・ぺイライ （問題はないよ） ”、”サバイー、サバーイ （楽しいね）” と言うことができる時代がくれば、私は再び、この国を訪問したいと思っている。
（ 「１９９３年 ８月１日」 ）