Otaku hyper-city



http://mahoro.levtex.net/mahoro4.swf


http://yoga.at.infoseek.co.jp/flash/kimishine_plus.htm


http://yoji.sub.jp/voice/



Brown-dyed hair as a metaphor
Hair dying becomes popular in Japan in the 90’s. Although the fashion called for unusual shades of brown, many people followed it. Strong shades of brown or red, however, become associated with fashion extremes and the term “Yankee” was coined to refer to those donning them.


At the beginning of the economic ‘bubble burst’ the hair-dying trend spread to all ages and all groups. The popular and a little eccentric movie director Takeshi Kitano adopted this fashion in its movie “Zatouichi’ by having a male blond star performer. Today, Mr. Kitano himself can be seen in TV sporting dyed hair.


Although unusual for a traditionally somber and elegant society, this fashion cannot, in itself, be associated with the popularization of deviance. Colored hair appears to have been introduced in the Japanese culture following the popularity of many characters developed by the animation industry. This prototypical Japanese industry is generally seen as responsible for the creation of post-war new esthetic values. Humanoid anime often sported wild green, blue or pink hair, a gambit of colors sometime taken up even by actors in TV performances. Anime, of course, introduced brown hair, the color that gradually becomes fashionable in the land of black hair. It must be noted that the models of physical beauty proposed by anime characters induced even skin deep alterations of the physical appearances of Japanese, cosmetic surgery flourished in the 90’s to allow the most daring form of enhancement or modifications.


Kojin Karatani, a literary critic, addresses it in his “ Architecture as a Metaphor” as follows: “The changes observed in literature and many other arts in the 20th century, for example, abstraction, dodecaphonic music, etc., can be related to the evolution that occurred in the fields of physics, mathematics, even logic, more than to an interrelations of the changes in the arts alone. This change is generally called ‘formalization’.. . It is a characteristic of formalization that the arts and knowledge have begun to shape an autonomous world by estrangement(or independence) from nature, reality and experience.”


In other words, the new models of physical beauty have become estranged from the traditional Japanese reality in favor of the ‘fantastic’ created by the world of animation.


I list here four examples of the embodiment of this new esthetic (an important reference is the date of birth of the individuals, as well the fact that Gackt is a male performer).


》Aya Matuura(born in 1986, named “Ayaya”.)


》Maki Goto(born in 1985, named “Gomaki”.)


》Yuko Ogura(born in 1983, named “Yuko-rin”.)


》Gackt(Age is unlisted)


Today, in particular in the world of entertainment, cosmetic surgery and make up strongly reference the esthetic creations of the anime world, as it can be seen in the the site . In addition to the entertainment world, the Japanese land of toys (referenced here in a rather broad sense) produces three-dimensional figures of anime heroines and heroes. For example HP of Kaiyo-Do is a major production company of figure doll. .



The evolution of the Otaku culture.
The word “otaku”derives from “your home” and “nerd, geek”and is a term that in this context is basically untranslatable. It best identifies a very peculiar Japanese subculture based on the obsession with the “fantastic”primarily developed and associated with fictional anime characters. This “unreal” world is an autonomous space where mostly young people feel comfortably cocooned in. These personal spaces are interrelated and a strong cultural exchange takes place and gives rise to an esthetic evolution so remarkable that
the 2004 Venice Art Biennale introduced it to the official art world.


One of the main elements of the otaku world is the collection of objects based on idiosyncratic taxonomies. In many cases this characteristic reached obsessive proportions, thus giving the culture an aura of social estrangement.


Within the broad Japanese system, the word itself became popular following the 1989 multiple murder of little girls by Tsutomu Miyazaki, a reclusive psychopath that collected a large amount of animation videotapes. The media speculated that this apparent obsession could have been at the root of his murderous behavior. Miyazaki had been labeled an“otaku”, thus giving the term a strongly negative initial connotation.

》Tsutomu Miyazaki’s room
(This hotograph is unrelated to this text.)


The electronic revolution of the 90’s (starting with the introduction of Windows 95) saw a further development in the otaku culture. The “circulation” of information and group interaction in cyberspace enhanced the world of the fantastic with the introduction of videogames and the popularization of animation characters. A gradual shift from ‘collection’ to’circulation’ was taking place in the otaku world.



The art system (museums and institutions).
The 20th century western art world has been characterized by the expansion of contemporary art museums and the emergence of collecting investors.


Great 20th century artists like Pablo Picasso in the visual arts and Igor Stravinsky in music, believed that their production was essentially manual labor raised to the level of art by a process of creativity based on western art concepts. Their art was just a commodity available to the educated bourgeoisie.


Other great artists, like Marcel Duchamp and John Cage, gradually introduced “anti-art” concepts that challenged the old aesthetic notions of artistic production. A new aesthetic sensibility addressed the exchange of intent and response associated with the creative process. This perspective had resonance in Jacques Lacan’s psychoanalysis, where the relation of a patient and its therapist gained a new status. However, the various declarations that ‘art is dead’ ultimately only reinforced the notion that the art object is indeed a commodity, even if it is a cultural entity. The artifact did not succeed in transcending the notion of ‘authorship’and the art collections kept growing at a faster pace.



Otaku’s city space.
As the cultural otaku space defined itself via communication, a language developed to uniquely identify its characteristics. One of the key new words introduced was “moe”, an attribute that identifies “sexual attraction based on charm”(for example describing a cute girl in an anime). ‘Ayaya”, the women in the first image listed in part 1, would be described as “moe”. On the opposite scale of value, “kimoi” and “uzai” were new words introduced to address the particularly distasteful.


Another important aspect of the otaku culture is the “creation” of a physical space that ultimately has no substantive presence but that it has, nevertheless, a recognized presence in the cityscape.


This is a very important aspect that appears to be often misunderstood even by people sensitive to cultural matters. The presentation at the Venice Biennale of an installation composed of figures, animation images and dolls neatly arranged in rooms could not have been further from the reality of the otaku world. It represented a ‘folly’not unlike the recording of some of John Cage music. A computer with a monitor set up somewhere in Venice could have been a far more appropriate way to enable an investigation of the otaku world.


The creative and aesthetic elements of the otaku world deserve a deep scrutiny because within that space the interrelation of the creator and the viewer is transcending the object; it makes ‘authorship’ irrelevant because a response is not the purpose of the creation but an accessory to its definition.


In other words, the otaku world seems to have achieved what Duchamp and Cage merely attempted. The famous Kobo Abe, in “Woman of the dunes” , to propose a concept of simulated irrationality, set the beginning of the mediocre life of its main character in the landscaped nothingness of the dunes. The otaku has invalidated the need for simulation by formally creating communication in a vacuum.


Another great Japanese artist, Shuji Terayama, experimented with ‘city plays’ , a type fantastic performances, based on a satire of daily life, within the civic life itself. Those seminal performances remained experimental works, the otaku culture, however, succeeded in establishing a fantastic social space inside the normal civic space, a cyberspace accessible to all who wish to enter it.



OTAKU and the body.
Earlier on I referenced homepages of animation pictures and of dolls of beautiful girls.
Kojin Karatani has said that for an otaku, bodies are “the forms representing an autonomous world estranged from nature, reality and experience". Often the body, particularly that of female characters, have exaggerated sexual attributes and even abnormal ones, the link of such representations with reality is tenuous at best. This aspect can evolve to reach surprising formalization, as seen in the set of photos of dressed life-size dolls.

Since the three-dimensional representations are based on animations characters, the prominent elements of the anime form the key elements of the plastic entities. And, as to be expected, the costume play “cos ple”is the current last step of the otaku ephemeral creations. Special gathering are organized for the parading of sophisticated and fantastic costumes and, at times, the same costume-clad individuals can be seen intermingled with the city crowd in a live, improvised, performance act.


One of the most remarkable aspects of the ‘cos ple’ is the prevalence of transgender characters . The role-reversal costumes are by no mean intended to point to a sexual deviation, they are merely utilized to enhance the element of the ‘fantastic’ embodied in the ‘cos ple’ process.


Akihabara, the central Tokyo ‘electronic city’, offers an important scenario to the otaku culture. Street musicians and entertainers, known only locally because they refuse to perform on media stages, perform to adoring crowds and are called “Akiba-kei- idols”(.wmv) .


Entertainment production companies often plan their activities on the street of Akihabara and the performances are characterized by the use of extravagant costumes dear to anime fans. The relationship of the Akiba-kei-idols and otaku cos-ple players is, not surprisingly, tightly intertwined.


》Akihabara 1 (These photographs ware composed, are unrelated to this text.)

Akihabara 2 (Photographs are unrelated to this text.)

》A maid cafe 1 2 (.wmv)

》maid cafes  (Photographs are unrelated to this text.)



Cultural perception
The images provided in this text may help form an understanding of a complex otaku phenomenon but, in general, its perception by the Japanese public is less than positive. Rather derogatory terms are often used to define its members, like “wota” “kimowota(It meens kimoi-otaku)” . Many of these very negative attributes were created to expressly address otaku individuals and character.


This is particularly interesting because the social group being criticized is, at its core, vibrant and culturally extroverted, while a large portion of the general public is rather disillusioned and dissatisfied on account of current social and economic stresses. The strongest point of differentiation between the otaku and the rest of Japanese society is likely associated with the value that sexuality has obtained in the new subculture.

While otaku members randomly group and disperse (only to re-group somewhere else), in a seemingly fluid and completely free form of association, the rest of society has to strive to create and maintain social relations.

The forceful need to establish contacts has pushed the incredible evolution of ‘electronic pals’, the “mel-friends”(from e-mail, the vehicle of choice). Friendship develops via the electronic media, dating may ensue, many life relationship are created, all uncharacteristically outside the traditional means of social intercourse. The new virtual milieu is also replacing other traditional social spheres, leading to the proliferation of "deai-kei sites", sites set up to facilitate friendship but turning into springboards for extramarital affairs and prostitution (of any type).

It can be said that the general public is indeed struggling to operate with the serenity that it came to expect at the time of its struggle to create the Japanese economic miracle. A sense of bitterness and resentment is today perceivable in the broad social arena, feelings that likely are at the base of negativity toward the otaku.

Although the word ‘otaku’can express a sense of estrangement from the social“otherness”, it is the engagement in new practices of participation and communication that ultimately becomes its most distinctive characteristic a presage of a brighter future.


Japanese“Sex, lies and videotape” in 2005


Winner of the Palm d'Or and Best Actor awards at the 1989 Cannes Film Festival, Sex, lies, and videotape (by writer-director Steven Soderbergh) brought to the world a raw, seedy story set in contemporary Europe. The movie was a snapshot of the post-sexual revolution of the seventies, when American and European youth went through a rampage of moral re-classification of sexuality and social practices. “Sexual liberation” was a term often used to describe the abandonment of moral restrictions and practices by adolescent post-war baby boomers subject to hormonal hyperactivity.


That seventies’ generation embraced new forms of intellectualization and pursued the thrills of voyages of discovery and the excitement of new technologies in a way that re-molded the surface of western society and, for better or worse, changed it forever.


While we were expanding our social boundaries (between peace marches and student riots), Japan was busily working away and force-fed of sanitized Americana culture. Coca-Cola, blue jeans and Elvis kept the young Japanese preoccupied only with what else could have been waiting for them across the Pacific and when it would have been made available to them.


All in all, Japan was spared the social upheaval (at least to some degree) that had marred the western landscape. Japanese boys kept striving to enter prestigious Universities, the girls kept up their manicured education and creeping consumerism was making an inroad without damaging a delicate ancient social balance of frugality and hard work.


The Japanese baby boomers were, overall, following the footsteps of their ancestors.


In their twenties, hard-working men (understating the condition) had married smile-sporting women and together urbanized the family size; they quietly kept up nocturnal hostess-bar crowding practices, Sunday’s golf training routine and occasionally indulged in the customary extramarital flings. They also indulged in the innocent practice of reading voluminous manga publications (while commuting for work), in politely harassing young office girls and in fantasizing about sexy school-uniformed girls.


The young Japanese brides, without losing their graceful smile, dutifully raised the children with cares and attentions almost unknown in the West, managed the household with institutional commitment and, very occasionally, shared a midday tea with a few others child-carrying women.


The process of westernization imposed on the war-ravaged Japanese society by the occupying forces had been managed with oriental skills; rather than creating havoc on a weary conservative society, it insidiously percolated through a weakened social fabric. Akin to the fictional Star Treak’s Borg assimilation method, the process was calculated to avoid resistence and it progressed with a momentous cumulative effect. Its direct consequences were that, unlike their parents, the baby boomers’ children found themselves growing up in a culturally blurred society pressed by forces no longer subtly undermining a previous status quo but overtly, recklessly, inducing a new “international’ vision. It is hardly surprising that these children, educated in government sanctioned structures and nurtured by ill-equipped parents and cocooned grandparents, saw a landscape quite incomprehensible to their young minds. Fast food, Star War, pro-wrestling and the GAP had replaced their parents’ Levis, Coca-cola and baseball but, more relevantly, the seductive and incessant commercialization (on TV, in the subway, in the street) irreversibly distanced them from the responsible and frugal essence of a Japanese lifestyle that their parents had managed to hang on to by surviving the first wave of foreign invasion.


These Japanese youngsters, particularly those living in large urban centers, are today adolescents living in a society marked by cultural and, to some degree, social uncertainty. Of course Japan had experiences this type of instability in the past, the Meiji Reformation constituting the first thrust into cultural evolution, but in today situation the young are left to deal with it almost completely by themselves, a rather different situation from that of the 1880’s.


Young peoples, fortunately, see a challenge where others would perceive only difficulties and consequently their sense of adaptation has the potential of inducing changes whose relevance is proportional to the complexity of their reality.


Like their western counterpart during the late sixties and early seventies, young Japanese people are responding to social and cultural pressures by resisting them and by creating new intellectual and cultural spaces using the very same elements that have destabilized their environment. They understand that if the western influence on the Japanese reality cannot be set aside, all its elements are available for social/cultural cannibalism. Under their sponsorship, a MacDonald outlet becomes a boutique while a delicate sushi restaurant sets up conveyor-belt delivery system, a Prada stores is more crowded than a 100 yen store and applying make-up while on a subway ride is as common as text messaging on a J-phone while walking.


The adolescent’s need to evade the familial environment (physically and psychologically constraining) pushes them in the streets where they gang up according to sub-socialization patterns. For example Shinjuku, Harajuku, Shibuya and Akihabara are some of the aggregation points of groups of young Tokyoites. Even though they appear very distinct, almost immiscible, these groups share a common goal of self-assertion (a notion in itself revolutionary in this individualism-shy society).


Differences between most Japanese groups can be measured in degrees but, amongst them, some may stand up because of peculiarities that set them aside from all others. One group in particular has become synonym of “diversity” and has almost achieved a status of social and cultural segregation; it is the “otaku”.


Much maligned by the old generation, spurned by most coevals and composed of mostly young males, the otaku have developed very particular characteristics that bound their community through a network that extends from the street to the virtual cyberspace.


Although it appears that the otaku ‘population’ is merely a fringe group of people in today Japan, their cultural presence is felt beyond the national boundaries. This is partially due to the fact that some of the characteristics of this group are particularly idiosyncratic and behaviorally extreme (the fact that their social stance is maligned only contributes to its relevance, at least in the eyes of western observers).


A synoptic characterization of an otaku would identify him/her (although the prevalence of males should be noted) as a highly introverted individual whose at-large social participation is marginal at best. The otaku primary interest, almost obsessively pursued, is the fictional world of animation, a literary and figurative cultural sphere particularly developed in Japan. The relevance of animation to the otaku seem to be related to the open-ended narrative aspect of animation stories, to the strong sexual undertone characterizing them and to its iconographic elements that can be easily reified in the otaku underworld.


Born into a culture rooted in mythological spirituality (Shintoism), the Japanese cultural sensibility meandered between legends, a penance for horror and the esthetic of the surreal (contemporary literature heroes like Haruki Murakami exemplify this aspect). The development of animation productions (both in the film medium and in the published version -manga-) has constituted, and still contributes to, a strong definition of the Japanese notion of the “imaginary”. The otaku pushed the boundaries of that imaginary world toward its reification, a process whose paradoxical nature has not escaped their consciousness. The otaku simply don’t care about it, it is their group defense against the sphere of the ‘normal’ that they have rejected as unsuitable to their sensibility.


A disturbing character of the otaku’s reality is, for most Japanese, an incomprehensible ability to identify and define themselves within the mythological sphere that, to most Japanese, is merely a source of entertainment.

Naturally, otaku practices like collecting ichnographic material (videos, cards, figurines, memorabilia, etc), engaging in costume parties and in private and public role-playing and in using Internet dissemination of their fantastic creations is hardly understandable to the uninitiated.


The otaku sub-culture is, however, characterized by another element that puzzles even more the standard Japanese individual. While the ichnographic character of the otaku referent is sexually highly charged (at the esthetic level - with an abundance of pretty more or less naked girls- and at the narrative level - with a proliferation of sado-masochistic sexual referents-), the nature of the individuals ‘appears’ de-sexed to a threatening point. Of course, the sexual life of reclusive, introverted individuals is hardly matter of public record; nevertheless, the connotation of sexual deviance is strengthened by the ‘appearance’ of distance from a socially normal sexual reality.


To suggest a parallel between the engagements of the rebellious western baby boomers in the 60/70’s and today’s rebellious Japanese youth may not be fully warranted within this discussion but it can be confidently claimed that also the Japanese landscape will unlikely escape the influence of a generation of strong-minded youths.

Otaku-town. A walk around Akihabara.



When you leave the platform of the JR Akihabara station you will see the sign “Akihabara electrical machinery town” before descending the long stairs from the tracks to the street level. Outside the station you will be met by a myriad of colorful signboards on the of electronic product stores.


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I always though an ‘electrical machinery town’ had to have many red neon signs but, looking around, the street is flooded by the most amazing pastel colored signs. And almost every store has signboard of young beautiful anime girls with big eyes.



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Right! Akihabara is the ‘otaku’ town. It’s the life center of the young people called “otaku”.



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The Japanese word “otaku” is a polite term for “you”, used when the speaker does not know the name of the individual s/he is addressing. Written with Chinese characters the word would have the meaning of “your house”. Both these terms address a character of the peculiar otaku essence: ‘anonymity’ and ‘introversion’.


Usually otaku mingle with each other and talk only about shared interests, in many cases a hobby to which they are totally dedicated. Able to recognize each other, they don’t need to know the interlocutor’s name and the object of their discussions is often obvious. It’s a market scene not a social club. For most Japanese, this characteristic has lent an additional meaning to the otaku term, it’s “one who’s absorbed by a specific interest”, a definition with a sneering social connotation.


Brought together by common interests in the virtual world of comics (manga) and animation, otaku rejoice their social isolation and the comfort of small groups.



Akihabara, a symbol of high growth.
I was born to 1959 and grew up in a suburban city east of Tokyo.My father was a businessman working in a food-related company with an office in the Ginza, in central Tokyo, when he was in his twenties Japan was at its high economic growth stage. I remember being a little girl living in a household that, thanks to my father promotions, gradually become prosperous.


Father’s company paid off bonuses every year, in the summer and at Christmas. The family planned for those bonuses and carefully scheduled the acquisition of every new electrical home appliance. We bought first a large-sized color television, then a washing machine, then an air conditioner, a large-sized record player set and so on.


In order to purchase the chosen electric appliances the whole family would go to the ‘electric town’, Akihabara, only 25 minutes train ride from our home. It was, and still is, located in Chiyoda-ku, in the center in Tokyo like the Ginza.


In the ‘electric town’ there were hundreds of special stores. They were overflowing with electric products or every sort of electric parts. Some stores would sell only electric wires for large-sized appliances, others only one type of home appliances, some would sells many parts to assemble radios, yet other only electric bulbs. They were always busy and crowded.I remember those family outings being marked by a certain intensity of emotions.



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The salesclerks of stores with a narrow frontage would come out on the sidewalk and speaks to us. A specific enquiry was followed by a tour of the store, a display of goods and, may be, the negotiation of price discount. The Akihabara stores in those days had an original system of pricing for visitors, they were basically economical and affordable to many.


When the negotiation for the new appliance was successful, father would proudly make the payment. The goods were delivered a few days later and the household would rejoice the convenience of the new appliance. The family life always felt improved by such additions.


Until the 80s, Akihabara was the ‘appliance town’ for many Tokyoites but, in the second half of that decade, many suburban electric retail stores opened up and gradually even our family found it convenient to shop close to home. Akihabara relevance for home appliances, the focus of family purchases, declined substantially and the survival of the “town” was in jeopardy. Fortunately, the fast-growing personal computer market helped Akihabara recover most of its economic strength and the PC craze eventually monopolized the ‘electric machinery town’ market.


The new hardware and software stores catered to an also new clientele, mostly young people interested in technological products being developed, and appearing in the stores, at a remarkable fast pace.


Many consumer goods associated with the electronic industry also gained prominence in Akihabara. Animation games, comics, trading cards, animation models and collectibles of many types become available in many stores frequented by youngsters driven by an almost obsessive interest in them.


I walk along the town in 2005.
The radio hall in front of the Akihabara station was the symbol of the old “town”, its many tiny stores were the center of commerce of small electronic surplus parts. Today the hall is the center of the ‘nerd’ culture, the otaku world.



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Here, a life-size doll of a female anime character has replaced the old, colorful, girl animation image; it is truly the symbol of the new culture in the area.



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Animation characters are everywhere, from store windows to the side of buildings large-sized liquid crystal display monitors show high resolution animation film clippings, many of them with overtly sexual subjects.



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There are crowds of nerd-looking youngsters in multilevel stores with highly unusual special displays, ranging from shelf-packed coterie magazines to custom-made dolls, to martial art weapons.


One interesting ‘store’ has many transparent showcases filled with items of all types for rent, sale or simply display. In fact, space in the display cabinet can be rented to show off personal things, like photographs and cards of an adored singer or a collection of soft-porn child images.



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A real woman is no longer needed!
Amongst the many stores there are restoration and entertainment places. Currently, the most popular of these spaces in Akihabara are the “maid cafEs’”. Here, young women dressed in classic maid dresses play hostesses to the otaku crowd.

The history of maid coffee shop and cos ple coffee shop in Akihabara.


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These women really resemble anime characters and they serve customers of the coffee shop or of the game floors with gentle, coy, smiles.


They also role-play with the male customers by addressing them as “masters”, a play further enhanced by large video monitors at the rear of the place usually showing sexually explicit animation scenes between “masters” and “maids”.


In the cafE’, hostesses and female customers look baby-faced, their voices are indulgently shrill and their breasts suspiciously large. All of them wear uniforms, of a maid, of a nurse or of a child. They are the Akihabara women, the otaku’s ideal.


The otaku are mostly males and have a predilection for female animation characters representing very young women, girls. Their virtual world is populated by images of this ideal female icon and many of them even acquire life-size animation characters for their living spaces.


The fact that many otaku crowd “maid cafEs’” underlines their fascination with anime representation more that an interest in the women in maid uniforms.


In the otaku world reality loses out to fantasy, the sphere of the artificially perfect, where everything, from a smooth skin and a peach smell, can be idealized.


The little girl in their sex video game does not oppose the master (she is the perfect sexual object), her response is always of pleasure to both gentle and violent sex acts.



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The effort required to meet and nurture a relation become unnecessary in the virtual world, for the otaku stimulation and satisfaction is obtained by paying the small price of the software.


To understand Akihabara today requires to enter the otaku’s world, the environment that this nerdish group has created from the production of the animation industry.


It is truly a particular sub-cultural adaptation, one that cannot even compare with other sub-cultural adaptation like the one in Shibuya, west of Tokyo, where young fashionable men deal with their sphere of desire exploring the same products of the animation industry.


The otaku influence on Japanese sexual behavior.
It is being reported that there is an increase in Japan of cases of couple infertility.


In most cases the infertility is associated with diminished male libido, a psychological type of male impotence, related to the idealization of female animation characters as the only subject of sexual arousal for many men. The couple’s female partner has become “unattractive” to a male whose libido is constantly stimulated by anime characters and anime sexual fantasies (many of which are based on male-dominating, sadomasochistic stories).


The fact that young male desires are related to a particular ideal of female beauty is generally the result of social conditioning, however, in modern Japan, the heavily commercialized anime aesthetics seems to have shifted their interests from real to virtual women.


The otaku culture is deeply rooted in this apparent social paradox. Their world is structured around male domination, female subjugation, violence and gore, it is an absurd tantalizing fantasy world best suited for somewhat insecure and emotionally unstable individuals.


A comfortable world where the boundaries between reality and fantasy are displaced or, at best, blurred.


The otaku world is not only culturally autonomous but also supercharged.


The last Venice Art Biennale introduced a glimpse of this reality to the international art world, its relevance having been defined within the confines of a broad urban discussions.


I personally feel that it is inappropriate to suggest that this culture is unique, or representative, of Japanese culture.


I guess that western influence played a strong role in the development of this twisted subculture. This nerd’s hobby may have an appeal as urban-developed culture central to a minority of individuals, but it is certainly not a prominent art form.


Perhaps we can look at it as a social parody. Animation publications have been culturally relevant in Japan for a long time. Often produced as entertainment and for the education of children, these publications sometime introduced elements of sexuality within innocent stories but always in a restrained fashion.


When it was called for, the sexual element was neatly emphasized. These initial perspectives in animation gradually became distorted to cater to adult male sexual fantasies and the unexpected supportive response lead to the creation of a substantial market for the new animation form.


The female characters developed by the writers departed more and more from any semblance of reality and reached the point of being perceived quite negatively by women, anime become an absolute male domain.


The otaku culture thrives on that process of anime adaptation that still continues today.


From the early Meiji Restoration, Japanese skillfully adapted and re-arranged imported cultural elements, even today western elements in music, food and, yes, animation are freely interpreted, changed and re-invented, with the Internet accelerating this process.


The influence of such processes on Japanese adults is tempered by their maturity but I became anxious about young Japanese exposed to extreme form of elaboration, particularly when they involve sexual subjects.


Of course it cannot be generalized that all male Japanese are affected negatively by this trend (otherwise the relationship between sexes in Japan would be more than hampered) it nevertheless seems that a divide is beginning to form between many Japanese man and women.


Perhaps the issue is important because normal communication patterns are rendered more complex by the contemporary lifestyle.


The contribution of technology to this complex issue should also be investigated, it is positive or negative? Are we pushed to seek human contacts or to avoid them?


The planned development in front of the Akihabara station of a 16,000㎡ information technology center connected to the university town of Tsukuba-shi will be composed of a cluster of tall buildings.


These building will be ominously facing the old otaku’s Akihabara where animation and a porn store are still intermingled.


Perhaps the desires of the otaku who drift in virtual space will be further stimulated by the shadow of the new cyber city.



http://tokio.client.jp/akihabara2005/P1000127.JPG


http://tokio.client.jp/akihabara2005/P1000124.JPG


http://tokio.client.jp/akihabara2005/P1000126.JPG


》Other sceans of Akihabara.


http://tokio.client.jp/akiba_other.html