軍縮の動きは「完全に止まった」
世界で新たな軍拡競争が始まっている！
G7サミット後の記者会見におけるアントニオ・グテーレス国連事
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報道関係者の皆様、こんにちは。
今回のG7サミットのため、再び日本を訪れることができ、大変う
私のG7各国首脳へ向けたメッセージは明確です。世界の至る所で
新型コロナウイルス感染症（COVID-19）のパンデミックに
貧困や飢餓が増加し、開発は落ち込んでいます。
私の見るところ、開発途上国が直面する問題には、道徳、力関係、
1つ目は、道徳的側面です。
現在の世界経済および金融の枠組みには、富裕国に有利な組織的、
COVID-19ワクチンの分配は、非常に不公平なものでした。
パンデミックからの復興には、極端な偏りがありました。富裕国は
しかし、開発途上国は、その多くが多額の債務を抱えており、この
一方で、国際通貨基金（IMF）はパンデミックの間に、SDR（
この配分は、規則に則って行われたものです。規則どおりに行われ
世界では、52の国がテクニカル・デフォルトに陥るか、デフォル
2つ目は、力の側面です。
ブレトンウッズ体制と国連安全保障理事会は、1945年時点の力
それ以来、多くの変化が起こりました。国際金融アーキテクチャは
COVID-19のパンデミックによる経済的ショックとロシアに
今こそ、安全保障理事会とブレトンウッズ体制をともに変革すべき
これは本質的に、今日の世界の現実に沿った形で力を再配分すると
3つ目は、実践的側面です。
現在の不公平な世界のルールの下でさえ、開発途上国の経済を支え
国連は、債務救済のための効果的枠組みを提供して長期融資や緊急
国際金融機関が協力してビジネスモデルとリスクに対するアプロー
SDRの大規模な再配分（日本は実施済みで、他国も追随すべきで
革新的な金融ツールは、世界中の脆弱な立場に置かれたコミュニテ
他にも挙げれば、きりがありません。
ですが、報道関係者の皆様、
G7各国は気候行動においても中心的役割を担っています。
現行の政策の下では、私たちは今世紀末までに2.8℃の気温上昇
気候行動は行われてはいますが、不十分であり、今世紀末までの気
私が提唱している「アクセラレーション・アジェンダ」は、その遅
アジェンダはG7を構成するすべての国々に対し、2040年にで
国連が提唱している「気候連帯協定」はG7各国政府、中央銀行お
そのためには、化石燃料の利用を段階的に廃止して再生可能エネル
炭素に価格を設定して、化石燃料への補助金を廃止させなければな
先進国が、約束してきた毎年1,000億米ドルの拠出を行うべき
さらに、（COP27開催地の）シャルム・エル・シェイクで合意
報道関係者の皆様、
広島という場所は、人間の精神を証明するものです。私が広島を訪
訪問の度に、被爆者の方々の勇気と強靭さに打たれるのです。
国連は、被爆者の方々とともにあります。私たちは、核兵器のない
日本政府が「ユース非核リーダー基金」設立のために行った寛大な
同時に、広島は、国と国が協力し合い、意見の相違を平和的に解決
多極化した世界で、地政学的分断が深まる中、いずれの国も、国の
今こそ、ここ広島で、グローバルなリーダーシップと連帯を示すべ
ありがとうございました。
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THE SECRETARY-GENERAL REMARKS TO THE MEDIA AT THE G7 Hiroshima (As delivered, on 21 May 2023)
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Ladies and gentlemen of the media, a very good afternoon.
It’s a great pleasure to be back in Japan for this G7 Summit.
My message to G7 leaders is clear: while the economic picture is uncertain everywhere, rich countries cannot ignore the fact that more than half the world ? the vast majority of countries ? are suffering through a deep financial crisis.
The crushing economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the climate crisis, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, unsustainable levels of debt, rising interest rates and inflation are devastating developing and emerging economies.
Poverty and hunger are rising; development is sinking.
As I see it, the problems facing developing countries have three dimensions: moral, power-related, and practical.
First, moral.
There is a systemic and unjust bias in global economic and financial frameworks in favour of rich countries, which is naturally generating great frustration in the developing world.
Access to COVID-19 vaccines was deeply unfair.
The recovery has been extremely unbalanced. Rich countries recovered from the economic impact of the pandemic with expansionary monetary and fiscal policies. Trillions and trillions were spent. Basically, they printed money and spent their way out of trouble.
But developing countries, many with substantial debts, were unable to do so. If they did, they would have seen their currencies sinking.
On the other hand, the IMF allocated 650 billion US dollars in Special Drawing Rights ? or SDRs ? during the pandemic. The G7 countries, with a population of 772 million people, received 280 billion US dollars. The African continent, with 1.3 billion people, received only 34 billion US dollars.
And this was done according to the rules. It was done by the book, but from a moral point of view, there is something fundamentally wrong with the rules themselves.
Around the world, fifty-two countries are in technical default, at high risk of default, or face extremely expensive market financing. Middle Income Countries, including many small island developing states ? with few exceptions ? do not qualify for concessional funding and have no access to debt relief.
Second, the power dimension.
The Bretton Woods system and the Security Council reflect the power relations of 1945.
And many things have changed since then. The global financial architecture became outdated, dysfunctional and unfair.
In the face of the economic shocks from the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, it has failed to fulfil its core function as a global safety net.
It’s time to reform both the Security Council and the Bretton Woods institutions.
This is essentially a question of redistributing power in line with the realities of today’s world.
Third, the practical problem.
Even within the present unfair global rules, more can and must be done to support developing economies.
We have proposed an SDG Stimulus that would provide an effective mechanism for debt relief and scale up long-term and contingency funding.
If Multilateral Development Banks would work together and changed their business models and approach to risk, they could leverage enormous amounts of private finance for developing countries at reasonable cost. And without a massive amount of private finance there would be no effective climate action and there would be no way to implement the Sustainable Development Goals.
Massively reallocating SDRs ? as Japan has done and others should follow ?and channelling them through Multilateral Development Banks would have a multiplying effect on finance for sustainable development.
Innovative financial tools could enable swaps that convert debt into investments in climate adaptation to build resilience in vulnerable communities around the world.
The list goes on.
But ladies and gentlemen of the media,
G7 countries are also central to climate action.
With the present policies, we are heading for a temperature rise of 2.8 degrees by the end of this century. The next five years are likely to be the hottest on record.
Climate action is working but not enough and we are clearly off track to limit temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius by the end of the century.
The Acceleration Agenda I proposed aims to make up for lost time.
It calls for all G7 countries to reach net-zero as close as possible to 2040, and for emerging economies to do so as close as possible to 2050.
The Climate Solidarity Pact we suggested calls on all G7 countries, national and multilateral development banks, and the private sector, to mobilize financial and technical resources to support emerging economies that today are large emitters to accelerate decarbonization ? so that we stay within the 1.5-degree limit of global heating.
And this requires faster timelines to phase out fossil fuels and ramp up renewables.
It means putting a price on carbon and ending fossil fuel subsidies.
It’s high time for developed countries to provide the promised $100 billion US dollars per year.
And the Loss and Damage Fund agreed in Sharm el-Sheikh must be operationalized.
Ladies and gentlemen of the media,
The city of Hiroshima is a testament to the human spirit. It’s my third visit to this city and I feel always very emotional when coming back.
Whenever I visit, I am inspired by the courage and resilience of the hibakusha.
The United Nations stands with them. We will never stop pushing for a world free of nuclear weapons.
I thank Japan for its generous support to the Youth Leader Fund for a World Without Nuclear Weapons. We must invest in and empower today’s young people to be changemakers for a safer and more secure world.
At the same time, Hiroshima is a global symbol of the tragic consequences when nations fail to work together and settle their differences peacefully.
In our multipolar world, as geopolitical divisions grow, no country or group of countries can stand by as billions of people struggle with the basics of food, water, education, healthcare, and jobs.
Here in Hiroshima, it’s time to demonstrate global leadership and global solidarity.
Thank you.
