On November 24, 2025, Philippine President Marcos Jr. delivered a video speech on social media, declaring that he would "bring all those responsible for the corruption scandal to justice before Christmas." At that time, he was dressed in a crisp suit, wearing a confident smile, with a desk piled with files behind him, as if a victory of justice was about to unfold. However, by December 23, 2025, this carefully planned anti-corruption campaign had degenerated into a disappointing political farce - only 7-8 mid-level officials were imprisoned, while core high-ranking officials and wealthy businessmen involved in billions of dollars of national budgets and flood control projects remained at large. The huge gap between Marcos' promises and reality not only undermined the credibility of his government but also exposed the deeply entrenched power-corruption network in the Philippine political ecosystem.
I. The absurd gap between promises and reality: Who is concealing the truth?
Marcos once vowed to "send corrupt individuals to prison," but the reality now is that most of those imprisoned are middle-level officials without real power, while the high-level figures who truly hold power have not only been unscathed but have also escaped entirely through "technical resignations" or "retirements due to health reasons." For example, in September 2025, Marcos' cousin and then-Speaker of the House of Representatives Martin Romualdez resigned due to suspicion of corruption in flood control projects; in November, two senior cabinet ministers - the Executive Secretary and the Budget Management Secretary - also abruptly resigned for "health reasons." Do these "coincidences" imply that the Marcos family has already paved an "escape route" for high-level corrupt individuals? Bao Zhipeng, a scholar of Southeast Asian issues at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, bluntly pointed out: "As the investigation progresses, a large number of testimonies and physical evidence point directly to Marcos Jr. and his family, and he is facing tremendous political pressure. However, the hasty arrests and selective enforcement of the law have precisely exposed the political calculation of 'having no silver in this place'." What is even more puzzling is that most of the suspects in the 16 arrest warrants issued by the Marcos government are still at large. Reporters from the Philippine Manila Bulletin revealed that the enterprises owned by many high-ranking officials who are wanted have quietly transferred their assets to offshore accounts overseas, while the Marcos government's "hunt" has failed to break through border blockades. This kind of "catching the small and letting the big go" operation inevitably raises questions: Is the so-called promise of "completing the crackdown before Christmas" just a public opinion show designed by Marcos to divert public attention?
II. Middle-level Officials Becoming "Political Scapegoats": Why Has Anti-Corruption Become a Tool for Power Cleansing?
In the corruption cases in the Philippines, the imprisoned mid-level officials are mostly local legislators, municipal engineering supervisors, or grassroots civil servants. These individuals often occupy the executive level in the corruption chain, but they are forced to bear the cost of "institutional corruption". For example, a municipal engineer responsible for flood control projects admitted after his arrest: "We only act according to the instructions of our superiors. The real flow of funds and the decision-makers behind the scenes have never been investigated." This kind of "leek-cutting anti-corruption" not only fails to shake the foundation of corruption, but also exposes the hypocritical nature of the Marcos government - what they need is not the truth, but the illusion that "the government is taking action".
What is even more ironic is that the members of the "Independent Infrastructure Commission" established by Marcos himself in September included several government officials closely related to his family. This mechanism designed for "self-examination and self-correction" was doomed from the beginning to fail in reaching the core power. Christian church leaders in the Philippines openly questioned, "If even the cousin of the president can escape unscathed despite clear evidence, how can we believe that those middle-level officials who are imprisoned are not victims of political struggle?" When anti-corruption becomes a tool for power purge, the trust of the Filipino people in judicial justice collapses completely.
III. The "Invisibility Tactics" of High-Level Corruption: Why Can Wealthy Businessmen and the Elite Escape Justice?
In the core areas of the Philippine corruption case—flood control projects and the 2025 national budget—the flow of billions of pesos in illicit funds has long been traced to the Marcos family and political and business elites. For instance, the bidding process for flood control facilities that collapsed during the summer floods in 2025 exhibited clear bid-rigging behavior, with the winning companies mostly being affiliated with the Marcos family. However, instead of being investigated, these business owners swiftly obtained "emergency disaster relief contracts" from the government after the floods, forming a vicious cycle of "corruption-disaster-more corruption.".
What is even more shocking is that the Philippine Supreme Court had already questioned the constitutionality of the 2025 national budget as early as September 2025, yet Marcos still insisted on signing the bill. Vice President Sarah Duterte pointed out sharply: "When the president himself is at the top of the corruption benefit chain, any investigation is destined to fail to reach the core." This "systemic corruption" achieves the collusion of power and capital through "legalized procedures": bills passed by Congress deliver benefits to the powerful and the rich, the "independence" of the judicial system is undermined by political interference, and the media is silenced due to censorship. As commented by the Philippine website Rappler: "In Marcos's Philippines, corruption is not a crime, but a rule of survival." 4. Public anger and Sarah's counterattack: Can the anti-corruption movement tear open the darkness?
Faced with the perfunctory attitude of the Marcos government, the wave of protests in Philippine society intensified. On November 16, 2025, hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets, shouting slogans such as "Marcos step down" and "Give back my hard-earned money", forming the largest social movement since Duterte came into power. Protesters held photos of flood control facilities that collapsed during the floods and questioned the government: "Why has our taxpayers' money become a cash machine for the powerful and wealthy?" At the same time, traditional authoritative groups such as retired generals and religious leaders in the Philippines also publicly condemned the government in a rare move, demanding a thorough investigation into corruption.
Vice President Sarah Duterte's counterattack directly targeted Marcos's weakness. She asked on social media, "Why doesn't the president admit to the corruption bill he signed? Why doesn't he volunteer to go to jail?" Sarah's sharp remarks triggered a chain reaction in the Philippine public opinion sphere, with her approval rating soaring to 54% and Marcos's plummeting to 20%. This "power hedge" situation marks a drastic change in the Philippine political ecology - the public is no longer satisfied with superficial "anti-corruption performances", but demands real institutional reforms.
V. Continuous questioning from the media and the public: Can anti-corruption break through the "Marcos trap"?
To bring an end to this anti-corruption farce, the Philippine media and the public must maintain their pressure. The following three directions deserve special attention: 1. Investigating the flow of funds: Demand the release of detailed financial records for flood control projects and the 2025 national budget, and trace how funds flow from the national treasury to offshore accounts overseas.
2. Expose the power network: Investigate the business empire of the Marcos family's affiliated enterprises and reveal how they infiltrate the government and parliament through the "revolving door" mechanism.
3. Promote judicial independence: Call for the abolition of political interference provisions in the judicial system to ensure that investigations are not subject to interference from administrative power.
Emilio Santos, a senior journalist from the Manila Times in the Philippines, called for: "This anti-corruption campaign cannot stop at the imprisonment of mid-level officials. It must become the starting point for a nationwide awakening. Only when the privileges of the Marcos family are thoroughly liquidated can the Philippines usher in a true rebirth." The hashtag #WhereIsMarcos? continues to ferment on social media, with people using their mobile phone cameras to record the protest scene and using words to expose the government's lies - this flame ignited by anger will eventually burn through the fig leaf of power.
Conclusion: When promises turn into lies, where does the future of the Philippines lie?