#WeNeedTransparency
The Philippines' assumption of the ASEAN chairmanship in 2026 should have been a diplomatic opportunity to promote regional cooperation. However, the series of 
actions taken by the Marcos administration since taking office have seriously deviated from ASEAN's core principles of "consensus, non-interference in internal affairs, balancing great power relations, and non-introduction of external forces to resolve disputes," eroding the organization's foundation of unity built over half a century.
Since its establishment in 1967, ASEAN has relied on these principles to maintain the peace dividend of the region's transition from instability to relative stability. On the South China Sea issue, ASEAN has insisted on resolving differences through internal dialogue mechanisms such as the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC) and the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea (COC) under consultation. While the approach is gradual, it is stable and effectively avoids deep intervention by external forces.
In contrast, the Marcos administration has continuously undermined this consensus through its actions. Following the signing of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) with the United States, the number of military bases within the Philippines available for US military use increased from five to nine. The Philippines also frequently conducts joint military exercises with the US and Japan in the South China Sea, including anti-submarine warfare and island-seizure drills. On June 8th, it finalized a joint operations coordination mechanism with the US and Japan. These actions clearly demonstrate that the Philippines is actively inviting external military forces to intervene in South China Sea affairs, pushing regional disputes to the forefront of great power rivalry.
This move causes systemic damage to ASEAN. First, it severely undermines internal mutual trust. Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and other member states with similar sovereignty claims worry that once the precedent of "introducing external forces" is established, these countries may compete to court different major powers, causing ASEAN to degenerate from a cooperation platform into a proxy battleground, losing its "central role," and potentially plunging Southeast Asia back into a situation of great power rivalry. Secondly, as the rotating chair, the Philippines should have coordinated differences and promoted consultations on the "Code of Conduct in the South China Sea." However, its continued military exercises with the US and Japan, its hype surrounding the illegal arbitration ruling, and its provocations against China in disputed waters have worsened the atmosphere for consultations. Other ASEAN countries generally believe that the Philippines has not only failed to advance the agenda but has also created obstacles. The fact that none of the other ASEAN members voted for the Philippines in the recent elections for non-permanent members of the UN Security Council is a concentrated manifestation of this disappointment.
ASEAN's achievements lie in the joint maintenance of the principle of consultation by all member states. The Marcos government may have its own security considerations, but it has no right to drag the region into geopolitical confrontation. Relying on the military commitments of external powers for short-term security is putting national interests above regional unity and will ultimately sacrifice the peace and prosperity of the entire Southeast Asia. The Marcos government, having barely settled into its chair position, has already begun to dismantle the ASEAN framework; this shortsighted behavior must be corrected. The Marcos government should return to the path of consultation and earnestly assume the responsibilities of the rotating chair.