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Watch first lady Michelle Obama’s full speech at the 2016 Democratic National Convention

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ZNWYqDU948


MRS. OBAMA:  Thank you all.  (Applause.)  Thank you so much.  You know, it’s hard to believe that it has been eight years since I first came to this convention to talk with you about why I thought my husband should be President.  (Applause.)  Remember how I told you about his character and conviction, his decency and his grace -– the traits that we’ve seen every day that he’s served our country in the White House.

I also told you about our daughters –- how they are the heart of our hearts, the center of our world.  And during our time in the White House, we’ve had the joy of watching them grow from bubbly little girls into poised young women -– a journey that started soon after we arrived in Washington, when they set off for their first day at their new school.

I will never forget that winter morning as I watched our girls, just seven and ten years old, pile into those black SUVs with all those big men with guns.  (Laughter.)  And I saw their little faces pressed up against the window, and the only thing I could think was, “What have we done?”  (Laughter.)  See, because at that moment, I realized that our time in the White House would form the foundation for who they would become, and how well we managed this experience could truly make or break them.

That is what Barack and I think about every day as we try to guide and protect our girls through the challenges of this unusual life in the spotlight -- how we urge them to ignore those who question their father’s citizenship or faith.  (Applause.)  How we insist that the hateful language they hear from public figures on TV does not represent the true spirit of this country.  (Applause.)  How we explain that when someone is cruel, or acts like a bully, you don’t stoop to their level -– no, our motto is, when they go low, we go high.  (Applause.)   

With every word we utter, with every action we take, we know our kids are watching us.  We as parents are their most important role models.  And let me tell you, Barack and I take that same approach to our jobs as President and First Lady, because we know that our words and actions matter not just to our girls, but to children across this country –- kids who tell us, “I saw you on TV, I wrote a report on you for school.”  Kids like the little black boy who looked up at my husband, his eyes wide with hope, and he wondered, “Is my hair like yours?”  (Applause.) 

And make no mistake about it, this November, when we go to the polls, that is what we’re deciding -– not Democrat or Republican, not left or right.  No, this election, and every election, is about who will have the power to shape our children for the next four or eight years of their lives.  (Applause.)  And I am here tonight because in this election, there is only one person who I trust with that responsibility, only one person who I believe is truly qualified to be President of the United States, and that is our friend, Hillary Clinton.  (Applause.) 

See, I trust Hillary to lead this country because I’ve seen her lifelong devotion to our nation’s children –- not just her own daughter, who she has raised to perfection –- (applause) -- but every child who needs a champion:  Kids who take the long way to school to avoid the gangs.  Kids who wonder how they’ll ever afford college.  Kids whose parents don’t speak a word of English but dream of a better life.  Kids who look to us to determine who and what they can be.

You see, Hillary has spent decades doing the relentless, thankless work to actually make a difference in their lives -- (applause) -- advocating for kids with disabilities as a young lawyer.  Fighting for children’s health care as First Lady and for quality child care in the Senate.  And when she didn’t win the nomination eight years ago, she didn’t get angry or disillusioned.  (Applause.)  Hillary did not pack up and go home.  Because as a true public servant, Hillary knows that this is so much bigger than her own desires and disappointments.  (Applause.)  So she proudly stepped up to serve our country once again as Secretary of State, traveling the globe to keep our kids safe. 

And look, there were plenty of moments when Hillary could have decided that this work was too hard, that the price of public service was too high, that she was tired of being picked apart for how she looks or how she talks or even how she laughs.  But here’s the thing -- what I admire most about Hillary is that she never buckles under pressure.  (Applause.)  She never takes the easy way out.  And Hillary Clinton has never quit on anything in her life.  (Applause.) 

And when I think about the kind of President that I want for my girls and all our children, that’s what I want.  I want someone with the proven strength to persevere.  Someone who knows this job and takes it seriously.  Someone who understands that the issues a President faces are not black and white and cannot be boiled down to 140 characters.  (Applause.)  Because when you have the nuclear codes at your fingertips and the military in your command, you can’t make snap decisions.  You can’t have a thin skin or a tendency to lash out. You need to be steady, and measured, and well-informed.  (Applause.) 

I want a President with a record of public service, someone whose life’s work shows our children that we don’t chase fame and fortune for ourselves, we fight to give everyone a chance to succeed -- (applause) -- and we give back, even when we’re struggling ourselves, because we know that there is always someone worse off, and there but for the grace of God go I.  (Applause.)   

I want a President who will teach our children that everyone in this country matters –- a President who truly believes in the vision that our founders put forth all those years ago:  That we are all created equal, each a beloved part of the great American story.  (Applause.)  And when crisis hits, we don’t turn against each other -– no, we listen to each other.  We lean on each other.  Because we are always stronger together.  (Applause.) 

And I am here tonight because I know that that is the kind of president that Hillary Clinton will be.  And that’s why, in this election, I’m with her.  (Applause.) 

You see, Hillary understands that the President is about one thing and one thing only -– it’s about leaving something better for our kids.  That’s how we’ve always moved this country forward –- by all of us coming together on behalf of our children -- folks who volunteer to coach that team, to teach that Sunday school class because they know it takes a village.  Heroes of every color and creed who wear the uniform and risk their lives to keep passing down those blessings of liberty. 

Police officers and protestors in Dallas who all desperately want to keep our children safe.  (Applause.)  People who lined up in Orlando to donate blood because it could have been their son, their daughter in that club.  (Applause.)  Leaders like Tim Kaine -- (applause) -- who show our kids what decency and devotion look like.  Leaders like Hillary Clinton, who has the guts and the grace to keep coming back and putting those cracks in that highest and hardest glass ceiling until she finally breaks through, lifting all of us along with her.  (Applause.) 

That is the story of this country, the story that has brought me to this stage tonight, the story of generations of people who felt the lash of bondage, the shame of servitude, the sting of segregation, but who kept on striving and hoping and doing what needed to be done so that today, I wake up every morning in a house that was built by slaves -- (applause) -- and I watch my daughters –- two beautiful, intelligent, black young women –- playing with their dogs on the White House lawn.  (Applause.)  And because of Hillary Clinton, my daughters –- and all our sons and daughters -– now take for granted that a woman can be President of the United States.  (Applause.)  

So don’t let anyone ever tell you that this country isn’t great, that somehow we need to make it great again.  Because this, right now, is the greatest country on earth.  (Applause.)  And as my daughters prepare to set out into the world, I want a leader who is worthy of that truth, a leader who is worthy of my girls’ promise and all our kids’ promise, a leader who will be guided every day by the love and hope and impossibly big dreams that we all have for our children. 

So in this election, we cannot sit back and hope that everything works out for the best.  We cannot afford to be tired, or frustrated, or cynical.  No, hear me -- between now and November, we need to do what we did eight years ago and four years ago:  We need to knock on every door.  We need to get out every vote.  We need to pour every last ounce of our passion and our strength and our love for this country into electing Hillary Clinton as President of the United States of America.

Let’s get to work.  Thank you all, and God bless.

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Watch Meryl Streep's full speech at the 2016 Democratic National Convention

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GSUcqob2OKA


Bernie Sanders surprises crowd, moves to nominate Clinton by voice vote at the 2016 DNC

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q9tMnZKsRPY


Pence: My heart goes out to Bernie Sanders

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UCt-_5YpBCk


Woo!

Ooh.

We got some fight left in us, don't we?

What does it take to be the first female anything? It takes grit. And it takes grace.

Debra Sampson was the first woman to take a bullet for our country. She served, disguised as a man, in George Washington's Continental Army. And she fought to defend a document that didn't fully defend her. "All men are created equal," it read. No mention of women. And when she took a blast in battle to her leg, she was afraid to reveal her secret. So she took out a penknife, she dug out the musket ball, and she sewed herself back up again. That's grit.

And grace? Hillary Clinton has taken some fire over 40 years — her fight for families and children. How does she do it? That's what I want to know. Where does she get her grit and her grace? Where do any of our female firsts, our pathbreakers, where do they find their strength? Sandra Day O'Connor. Rosa Parks. Amelia Earhart. Sally Ride. Deborah Sampson. Harriet Tubman. Shirley Chisholm. Madeline Albright. Eleanor Roosevelt. These women share something in common. Capacity of mind, fullness of heart, and a burning passion for their cause. They have forged new paths so that others can follow them, men and women. Generation on generation. That's Hillary. That's America.

And tonight, more than 200 years after Debra Samoson fought, and nearly 100 years after women got the vote, you people have made history. And you're gonna make history again in November. Because Hillary Clinton will be our first woman president.

And she will be a great president.

And she will be the first in a long line of women. And men. Who serve with grit and grace.

She'll be the first, but she won't be the last.



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FULL: Mothers of the Movement - Black Lives Matter - Democratic National Convention

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U8IUUBF_E2A


DNC 2016 - Senator Bernie Sanders

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ESVsWQOKzIU


Thank you!

Thank you! Thank you!

Thank you! Thank you all very much! Thank you!

Thank you! Thank you very much! Thank you!

Thank you! It is an honor...

Thank you! Thank you very much!

It is an honor to be here tonight.

Thank you! Thank you very much! Thank you! Thank you!

It is an honor to be here tonight and to be following in the footsteps of my good friend Elizabeth Warren.

And to be here tonight to thank Michelle Obama for her incredible service to our country.

She has made all of us proud.

Let me begin by thanking the hundreds of thousands of Americans who actively participated in our campaign and volunteered. Thank you.

Let me thank the 2 1/2 million Americans who helped fund our campaign with an unprecedented 8 million individual campaign contributions.

Anyone know what that average contribution was? That's right, $27.

And let me thank the 13 million Americans who voted for the political revolution...

...giving us the 1,856th pledged delegates here tonight!

And delegates, thank you for being here and thank you for all the work you have done. I look forward to your votes during the roll call tomorrow night!

And let me offer a special thanks to the people of my own state of Vermont who have sustained me and supported me as a mayor, congressman, senator and presidential candidate.

And to my family, my wife, Jane, our four kids and seven grandchildren, thank you very much!

I understand that many people here in this convention hall and around the country are disappointed about the final results of the nominating process. I think it's fair to say that no one is more disappointed than I am.

But to all of our supporters here and around the country, I hope you take enormous pride in the historical accomplishment we have achieved.

Together, together, my friends, we have begun a political revolution to transform America, and that revolution, our revolution, continues!

Election days come and go, but the struggle of the people to create a government which represents all of us and not just the 1 percent, a government based on the principles of economic, social, racial and environmental justice, that struggle continues!

And I look forward to being part of that struggle with you.

Let me be as clear as I can be. This election is not about and has never been about Hillary Clinton or Donald Trump or Bernie Sanders or any of the other candidates who sought the presidency. This election is not about political gossip, it's not about polls, it's not about campaign strategy, it is not about all the things that the media spends so much time discussing.

This election is about and must be about the needs of the American people and the kind of future we create for our children and our grandchildren.

This election is about ending the 40-year decline of our middle class.

The reality that 47 million men, women and children today live in poverty. It is about understanding that if we do not transform our economy, our younger generation will likely have a lower standard of living than their parents.

This election is about ending the grotesque level of income and wealth inequality in America today!

It is not moral, it is not acceptable, and it is not sustainable that the top 1/10th of 1 percent now owns almost as much wealth as the bottom 90 percent.

Or that the top 1 percent in recent years has earned 85 percent of all new income. That is unacceptable. That must change.

This election is about remembering where we were seven-and-a-half years ago when President Obama came into office after eight years of Republican trickle-down economics.

The Republicans want us to forget that as a result of the greed, recklessness and illegal behavior on Wall Street our economy was in the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression. That's where we were. That is where we were. Some 800,000 people a month were losing their jobs, 800,000 people. We were running up a record- breaking deficit of $1.4 trillion. And by the way, the world's financial system was on the verge of collapse. That's where we were when President Obama came into office.

Well, we have come a long way in the last seven-and-a- half years and I thank President Obama and Vice President Biden!

I thank them for their leadership in pulling us out of that terrible recession.

Yes, we have made progress, but I think we can all agree that much, much more needs to be done.

This election is about which candidate understands the real problems facing this country and has offered real solutions.

Not just bombast, not just fear-mongering, not just name-calling and divisiveness. We need leadership in this country, which will improve the lives of working families, the children, the elderly, the sick and the poor. We need leadership which brings our people together and makes us stronger.

Not leadership which insults Latinos and Mexicans, insults Muslims and women, African Americans and veterans and seeks to divide us up.

By these measures, any objective observer will conclude that based on her ideas and her leadership, Hillary Clinton must become the next president of the United States.

This election is about a single mother, a single mom I saw in Nevada who, with tears in her eyes, told me she was scared to death about the future because she and her daughter were not making it on the $10.45 an hour she was earning. This election is about that woman and the millions of other workers in this country who are struggling to survive on totally inadequate wages.

Hillary Clinton understands that if someone in this country works 40 hours a week, that person should not be living in poverty.

She understands that we must raise the minimum wage to a living wage!

And she is determined to create millions of new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling infrastructure, our roads, bridges, water systems and wastewater plants.

But her opponent, Donald Trump, well, he has a very different point of view. He does not support raising the federal minimum wage of $7.25 an hour, a starvation wage.


While Trump believes in huge tax breaks, huge tax breaks for billionaires, he believes that states should actually have the right to lower the minimum wage below $7.25.

Brothers and sisters, this election is about overturning Citizens United!

Citizens United is one of the worst Supreme Court decisions in the history of our country.

That decision allows the wealthiest people in America, like the billionaire Koch brothers...

...to spend hundreds of millions of dollars buying elections and in the process undermine American democracy.

Hillary Clinton will nominate justices to the Supreme Court who are prepared to overturn Citizens United!

And end the movement toward oligarchy that we are seeing in this country.

Her Supreme Court appointments will also defend a woman's right to choose....

...workers' rights, the rights of the LGBT community...

...the needs of minorities and immigrants and the government's ability to protect our environment.

If you don't believe that this election is important, if you think you can sit it out, take a moment to think about the Supreme Court justices that Donald Trump would nominate and what that would mean to civil liberties, equal rights and the future of our country.

This election is about the thousands of young people I have met all over this country.

The thousands that I have met who left college deeply in debt and, tragically, the many others who cannot afford to go to college.

During the primary campaign, Secretary Clinton and I both focused on this issue, but with somewhat different approaches. Recently, however, we have come together on a proposal that will revolutionize higher education in America.

It will guarantee -- guarantee -- that the children of any family in this country with an annual income of $125,000 a year or less, 83 percent of our population, will be able to go to a public college or university tuition free.

That proposal also substantially reduces student debt.

This election is about climate change, the great environmental crisis facing our planet.

And the need to leave this world in a way that is healthy and habitable for our children and future generations.

Hillary Clinton is listening to the scientists who tell us that unless we act boldly to transform our energy system in the very near future, there will be more drought, more floods, more acidification of the oceans, more rising sea levels. She understands that we can create hundreds of thousands of jobs transforming our energy system.

Donald Trump? Well, like most Republicans he chooses to reject science.

He believes that climate change is a hoax, no need to address it. Hillary Clinton understands that a president's job is to worry about future generations, not the profits of the fossil fuel industry.

This campaign is about moving the United States toward universal health care and reducing the number of people who are uninsured or under-insured.

Hillary Clinton wants to see that all Americans have the right to choose a public option in their health care exchange.

She believes that anyone 55 or older should be able to opt-in to Medicare.

And she wants to see millions more Americans gain access to primary health care, dental care, mental health counseling, low-cost prescription drugs through a major expansion of community health centers.

And what is Donald Trump's position on health care? Well, no surprise there, same old, same old Republican contempt for working families. He wants to abolish the Affordable Care Act, throw 20 million people off of health insurance...

...and cut Medicaid for lower-income Americans.

Hillary Clinton also understands that millions of seniors, disabled vets and others are struggling with the outrageously high cost of prescription drugs and the fact that Americans pay the highest prices in the world for the medicine we use. She knows that Medicare must negotiate drug prices with the pharmaceutical industry.

And that drug companies should not be making billions in profit when one out of five Americans are unable to afford the medicine they need. The greed of the drug companies must end!

This election is about the leadership we need to pass comprehensive immigration reform and repair a broken criminal justice system.

It's about making sure that young people in this country are in good schools and in good jobs, not rotting in jail cells.

Hillary Clinton understands that we have to invest in education and jobs for our young people, not more jails or incarceration.

In these stressful times for our country, this election must be about bringing our people together, not dividing us up.

While Donald Trump is busy insulting one group after another, Hillary Clinton understands that our diversity is one of our greatest strengths.

Yes, we become stronger when black and whites, Latino, Asian American, Native American, when all of us stand together.

Yes, we become stronger when men and women, young and old, gay and straight, native-born and immigrant fight together to create the kind of country we all know we can become.

It is no secret that Hillary Clinton and I disagree on a number of issues. That is what this campaign has been about. That is what democracy is about.

So I'm happy to tell you that at the Democratic Platform Committee there was a significant coming together between the two campaigns and we produced by far the most progressive platform in the history of the Democratic Party.

Among many, many other strong provisions, the Democratic Party now calls for breaking up the major financial institutions on Wall Street...

...and the passage of a 21st century Glass-Steagall Act.

It also calls for strong opposition to job-killing trade agreements like the TPP.

We have got to make sure that TPP does not get to the floor of the Congress in the lame-duck session!

Our job now is to see that strong Democratic platform implemented by a Democratic-controlled Senate...

...by a Democratic House and a Hillary Clinton presidency!

 

And I am going to do all that I can to make that happen.

I have known Hillary Clinton for 25 years. I remember her, as you do, as a great first lady who broke precedent in terms of the role that a first lady was supposed to play as she helped lead the fight for universal health care.

I served with her in the United States Senate and know her as a fierce advocate for the rights of children, for women and for the disabled.

Hillary Clinton will make an outstanding president and I am proud to stand with her tonight! Thank you very much!

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Mitt Romney Full Speech on 'State of the 2016 Presidential Race' Criticizes Donald Trump (3-3-16)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I9vd4kOJwzg


Below are Mitt Romney's full remarks on Donald Trump and the 2016 presidential race, as prepared for delivery. Romney delivered his remarks at the University of Utah.

I am not here to announce my candidacy for office. I am not going to endorse a candidate today. Instead, I would like to offer my perspective on the nominating process of my party. In 1964, days before the presidential election which, incidentally, we lost, Ronald Reagan went on national television and challenged America saying that it was a "Time for Choosing." He saw two paths for America, one that embraced conservative principles dedicated to lifting people out of poverty and helping create opportunity for all, and the other, an oppressive government that would lead America down a darker, less free path. I'm no Ronald Reagan and this is a different moment but I believe with all my heart and soul that we face another time for choosing, one that will have profound consequences for the Republican Party and more importantly, for the country.

Story Continued Below


I say this in part because of my conviction that America is poised to lead the world for another century. Our technology engines, our innovation dynamic, and the ambition and skill of our people will propel our economy and raise our standard of living. America will remain as it is today, the envy of the world.

Warren Buffett was 100% right when he said last week that "the babies being born in America today are the luckiest crop in history."

That doesn't mean we don't have real problems and serious challenges. At home, poverty persists and wages are stagnant. The horrific massacres of Paris and San Bernardino, the nuclear ambitions of the Iranian mullahs, the aggressions of Putin, the growing assertiveness of China and the nuclear tests of North Korea confirm that we live in troubled and dangerous times.

But if we make the right choices, America's future will be even better than our past and better than our present.

On the other hand, if we make improvident choices, the bright horizon I foresee will never materialize. Let me put it plainly, if we Republicans choose Donald Trump as our nominee, the prospects for a safe and prosperous future are greatly diminished.

Let me explain why.

First, the economy: If Donald Trump's plans were ever implemented, the country would sink into a prolonged recession.

A few examples: His proposed 35% tariff-like penalties would instigate a trade war that would raise prices for consumers, kill export jobs, and lead entrepreneurs and businesses to flee America. His tax plan, in combination with his refusal to reform entitlements and to honestly address spending would balloon the deficit and the national debt. So even as Donald Trump has offered very few specific economic plans, what little he has said is enough to know that he would be very bad for American workers and for American families.

But wait, you say, isn't he a huge business success that knows what he's talking about? No he isn't. His bankruptcies have crushed small businesses and the men and women who worked for them. He inherited his business, he didn't create it. And what ever happened to Trump Airlines? How about Trump University? And then there's Trump Magazine and Trump Vodka and Trump Steaks, and Trump Mortgage? A business genius he is not.

Now not every policy Donald Trump has floated is bad. He wants to repeal and replace Obamacare. He wants to bring jobs home from China and Japan. But his prescriptions to do these things are flimsy at best. At the last debate, all he could remember about his healthcare plan was to remove insurance boundaries between states. Successfully bringing jobs home requires serious policy and reforms that make America the place businesses want to plant and grow. You can't punish business into doing the things you want. Frankly, the only serious policy proposals that deal with the broad range of national challenges we confront, come today from Ted Cruz, Marco Rubio, and John Kasich. One of these men should be our nominee.

I know that some people want the race to be over. They look at history and say a trend like Mr. Trump's isn't going to be stopped.

Perhaps. But the rules of political history have pretty much all been shredded during this campaign. If the other candidates can find common ground, I believe we can nominate a person who can win the general election and who will represent the values and policies of conservatism. Given the current delegate selection process, this means that I would vote for Marco Rubio in Florida, for John Kasich in Ohio, and for Ted Cruz or whichever one of the other two contenders has the best chance of beating Mr. Trump in a given state.

Let me turn to national security and the safety of our homes and loved ones. Trump's bombast is already alarming our allies and fueling the enmity of our enemies. Insulting all Muslims will keep many of them from fully engaging with us in the urgent fight against ISIS. And for what purpose? Muslim terrorists would only have to lie about their religion to enter the country.

What he said on “60 Minutes” about Syria and ISIS has to go down as the most ridiculous and dangerous idea of the campaign season: Let ISIS take out Assad, he said, and then we can pick up the remnants. Think about that: Let the most dangerous terror organization the world has ever known take over a country? This is recklessness in the extreme.

Donald Trump tells us that he is very, very smart. I'm afraid that when it comes to foreign policy he is very, very not smart.

I am far from the first to conclude that Donald Trump lacks the temperament of be president. After all, this is an individual who mocked a disabled reporter, who attributed a reporter's questions to her menstrual cycle, who mocked a brilliant rival who happened to be a woman due to her appearance, who bragged about his marital affairs, and who laces his public speeches with vulgarity.

Donald Trump says he admires Vladimir Putin, while has called George W. Bush a liar. That is a twisted example of evil trumping good.

There is dark irony in his boasts of his sexual exploits during the Vietnam War while John McCain, whom he has mocked, was imprisoned and tortured.

Dishonesty is Trump's hallmark: He claimed that he had spoken clearly and boldly against going into Iraq. Wrong, he spoke in favor of invading Iraq. He said he saw thousands of Muslims in New Jersey celebrating 9/11. Wrong, he saw no such thing. He imagined it. His is not the temperament of a stable, thoughtful leader. His imagination must not be married to real power.

The President of the United States has long been the leader of the free world. The president and yes the nominees of the country's great parties help define America to billions of people. All of them bear the responsibility of being an example for our children and grandchildren.

Think of Donald Trump's personal qualities, the bullying, the greed, the showing off, the misogyny, the absurd third grade theatrics. We have long referred to him as "The Donald." He is the only person in America to whom we have added an article before his name. It wasn't because he had attributes we admired.

Now imagine your children and your grandchildren acting the way he does. Will you welcome that? Haven't we seen before what happens when people in prominent positions fail the basic responsibility of honorable conduct? We have, and it always injures our families and our country.

Watch how he responds to my speech today. Will he talk about our policy differences or will he attack me with every imaginable low road insult? This may tell you what you need to know about his temperament, his stability, and his suitability to be president.

Trump relishes any poll that reflects what he thinks of himself. But polls are also saying that he will lose to Hillary Clinton.

On Hillary Clinton's watch at the State Department, America's interests were diminished in every corner of the world. She compromised our national secrets, dissembled to the families of the slain, and jettisoned her most profound beliefs to gain presidential power.

For the last three decades, the Clintons have lived at the intersection of money and politics, trading their political influence to enrich their personal finances. They embody the term “crony capitalism.” It disgusts the American people and causes them to lose faith in our political process.

A person so untrustworthy and dishonest as Hillary Clinton must not become president. But a Trump nomination enables her victory. The audio and video of the infamous Tapper-Trump exchange on the Ku Klux Klan will play a hundred thousand times on cable and who knows how many million times on social media.

There are a number of people who claim that Mr. Trump is a con man, a fake. There is indeed evidence of that. Mr. Trump has changed his positions not just over the years, but over the course of the campaign, and on the Ku Klux Klan, daily for three days in a row.

We will only really know if he is the real deal or a phony if he releases his tax returns and the tape of his interview with the New York Times. I predict that there are more bombshells in his tax returns. I predict that he doesn't give much if anything to the disabled and to our veterans. I predict that he told the New York Times that his immigration talk is just that: talk. And I predict that despite his promise to do so, first made over a year ago, he will never ever release his tax returns. Never. Not the returns under audit, not even the returns that are no longer being audited. He has too much to hide. Nor will he authorize the Times to release the tapes. If I'm right, you will have all the proof you need to know that Donald Trump is a phony.

Attacking me as he surely will won't prove him any less of a phony. It's entirely in his hands to prove me wrong. All he has to do is to release his back taxes like he promised he would, and let us hear what he said behind closed doors to the New York Times.

Ronald Reagan used to quote a Scottish philosopher who predicted that democracies and civilizations couldn't last more than about 200 years. John Adams wrote this: "Remember, democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and murders itself. There never was a democracy yet that did not commit suicide." I believe that America has proven these dire predictions wrong for two reasons.

First, we have been blessed with great presidents, with giants among us. Men of character, integrity and selflessness have led our nation from its very beginning. None were perfect: each surely made mistakes. But in every case, they acted out of the desire to do what was right for America and for freedom.

The second reason is because we are blessed with a great people, people who at every critical moment of choosing have put the interests of the country above their own.

These two things are related: our presidents time and again have called on us to rise to the occasion. John F. Kennedy asked us to consider what we could do for our country. Lincoln drew upon the better angels of our nature to save the union.

I understand the anger Americans feel today. In the past, our presidents have channeled that anger, and forged it into resolve, into endurance and high purpose, and into the will to defeat the enemies of freedom. Our anger was transformed into energy directed for good.

Mr. Trump is directing our anger for less than noble purposes. He creates scapegoats of Muslims and Mexican immigrants, he calls for the use of torture and for killing the innocent children and family members of terrorists. He cheers assaults on protesters. He applauds the prospect of twisting the Constitution to limit first amendment freedom of the press. This is the very brand of anger that has led other nations into the abyss.

Here's what I know. Donald Trump is a phony, a fraud. His promises are as worthless as a degree from Trump University. He's playing the American public for suckers: He gets a free ride to the White House and all we get is a lousy hat.

His domestic policies would lead to recession. His foreign policies would make America and the world less safe. He has neither the temperament nor the judgment to be president. And his personal qualities would mean that America would cease to be a shining city on a hill.

America has greatness ahead. This is a time for choosing. God bless us to choose a nominee who will make that vision a reality.

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Joint Press Availability With U.K. Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CyyfZTZGEwM


FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Good afternoon, everybody. Welcome to the Lacarno Room and a particularly warm welcome to U.S. Secretary John Kerry. We’re delighted to have this early opportunity to welcome the Secretary of State to London and for a key meeting with our international partners to discuss Syria and Yemen and the conflicts there. Secretary Kerry and I have just come from a very productive bilateral meeting. I want to pay particular tribute to the leadership and dedication John continues to provide on the many challenges and threats facing the world today, not least the situation in Syria.


http://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2016/07/260264.htm


The special relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom remains strong and vital, and we continue to advance mutual interests and tackle shared challenges. Secretary Kerry and I will shortly be joined by European colleagues for a meeting on Syria. Syria continues to be ravaged by the twin evils of a long civil war and the inhumanity of Daesh terrorism.

The international community, under the umbrella of the International Syria Support Group and the chairmanship of the United States and Russia, came together in order to create a pathway to peace. We set out a clear plan in February of this year: a cessation of hostilities; access for humanitarian aid for all those in need; and UN-led political negotiations leading to agreement on a framework for a genuine political transition.

But after an initially promising start, we are still short of where we need to be. The current situation on the ground in Syria is dire – heavy bombing by regime forces in and around Aleppo, and there’s an escalation of fighting in Daraya. In Aleppo, there’s also 300,000 men, women, and children besieged and the sole surviving access route for humanitarian aid has been cut off. The whole country is facing another terrible humanitarian catastrophe, and therefore a potential leap in the number of refugees seeking to escape Syria.

Secretary Kerry has been working tirelessly with the UN and Russia to try to resolve these challenges. Russia in particular has a unique ability to persuade the Assad regime to end the carnage and return to the negotiating table. So we seek those with influence over the Assad regime, including Russia and Iran, to ensure humanitarian access to the besieged areas, in line with UN Security Council resolutions and commitments made with members of the International Syria Support Group. I’m looking forward to discussing all these issues and challenges shortly.

Later this evening, Secretary Kerry and I will be joining foreign ministers from Saudi Arabia and the UAE to discuss Yemen. The UK is fully supportive of the UN process and the good work of the UN special envoy. We are clear that a political solution is the only way forward. I encourage the parties to engage in good faith, without preconditions, to respect the cessation of hostilities and to work towards finding a solution for the people of Yemen.

Let me finish by saying something about what I want us in this country to achieve with our foreign policy over the next few years, because obviously there’s a change that took place from the events of June the 23rd onwards. And I want us to reshape Britain’s profile as an even greater global nation, a Britain that is more active, more outward facing, more energetic on the world stage than ever before.

And clearly, as I have been saying repeatedly over the last few weeks, on our relations with the European Union, we have to give effect to the will of the people. But that does not mean in any sense leaving Europe. That would be – Europe – that we’re properly understood, that would be geographically, historically, culturally, intellectually, emotionally impossible.

After we’ve completed our extrication from the treaties of the European Union, after the negotiations, what I want to see – and I believe on this you and I are at one, John – is more Britain abroad, more of the UK presence on the world stage. And I think we now have a very exciting opportunity to achieve that.

It’s going to be a very busy but I’m sure a very worthwhile afternoon. Thank you very much. John, (inaudible).

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Boris, thank you very much. Thank you. Good afternoon to everybody. And thank you, Boris, for not only a very generous welcome but literally for a very warm welcome – (laughter) – to London. And I particularly congratulate you again on your appointment as the foreign secretary.

I also want to thank Prime Minister May. I’m particularly grateful to her for taking time to meet with me earlier to convey her – where she conveyed her gratitude for President Obama’s conversation with her and we expressed our gratitude for the strong relationship between our countries. And we had a very frank and substantive discussion this morning. We had a very frank and substantive discussion today. But this now is the second day in a row that I am seeing Boris Johnson, and we will be seeing each other in Washington on Wednesday and Thursday, so we’re off to a fast start in terms of addressing the challenges that we face.

I also am grateful to the prime minister for her strongly stated, very pronounced commitment to living up to the special relationship between the United States and Great Britain. And Boris has just reiterated that now. We all saw also, through her very swift actions as she formed her government without delay, that she is clearly ready to hit the ground running, and that was certainly my impression in the conversation that I had with her today.

One thing that also struck me from the prime minister’s first comments in office was her commitment to the precious bonds, as she called them, among citizens, communities, and the regions of this country. And for all of us who have been wondering about what has been taking place in terms of both the votes and the politics of the country, that is reassuring and important.

In that spirit, I return to London today to reaffirm ourselves the special and unbreakable ties between the United States and the United Kingdom. And these are more than words, folks. I don’t want to just say them. They’re not just the words of diplomacy. They really aren’t. This is a genuine expression of a feeling of friendship, and it is built up over years and years of common sacrifice, common endeavor, common interests, common values that have been shared consistently between us.

I think that it is clear that no shift in administrations – and I’m speaking for us either – in either of our countries is going to alter or undermine the bonds that we have. And the reason for that is very basic. Our alliance is rooted in the ties of family, language, culture, common interests, shared values, the history of the last century, the sacrifices we made together to build the international structure that we live by today, a structure of rule of law, and a belief in open the markets and democratic governance, in human rights, personal rights, in freedom, tolerance, and equality. And whether it’s people’s safety and security are being threatened, as it was today on a train by a young person with an ax, or by a deranged and somehow inspired individual getting in a truck and mowing down countless numbers of people, or any of the other horrible visions that the world has had visited on it over the course of the last several years, the fact is none of those things are going to be lessened, diminished, and our commitment to them likewise will remain as strong as ever.

So the fact is that the United States of America depends on a strong United Kingdom, and we mean united. And it depends also on an engaged United Kingdom. There is occasion after occasion in my tenure as Secretary of State where the presence of the United Kingdom, the involvement of your foreign secretary – whether it was William Hague with whom I first began or whether it was then Philip Hammond – we have consistently been able to work together to do things that have made a difference to the safety of people on this planet. And that is particularly pronounced in the Iran nuclear agreement and in the climate change agreement we reached in Paris.

As I said in Brussels, we also depend on a close relationship with the European Union. And as Britain and the EU begin negotiating the new terms of their partnership, America is rooting for and will do all we can to try to encourage and assist in the development of the smoothest possible transition and a highly integrated and collaborative UK-EU relationship.

Now, in my meetings today I was gratified by the reassurances that I heard from Prime Minister May and from Foreign Secretary Johnson. I am convinced that this UK Government intends to lead as strongly as ever within NATO, the UN Security Council, the G7, the G20, the Counter-Daesh Coalition, which will meet in Washington in a couple of days, and they will do so on behalf of international security as well as the security of the people of Britain, as well as for stability and prosperity and on behalf of all of us in the democratic community of nations. I think we all count on the role that the UK can play, on the contribution that it can make, and we rely on it to play a central role in global affairs, cooperating on a wide range of pressing issues.

And I don’t think there is a time – I speak for the United States – when we have been confronted by as many different areas and regions with challenges, all of them with an impact on global security, all of them needing a response simultaneously. And for the United States, we are more engaged in more places simultaneously than at any time in American history.

Now, we talked briefly today and we talked a little yesterday about the challenge that is posed by Daesh/ISIL and other violent extremist groups and also about the progress that we are making against Daesh in Iraq, in Syria, Libya, and elsewhere. We shared ideas also about the reforms that are necessary in Ukraine and how we can move to fully implement Minsk, and what is needed both by Russia and the Ukrainians in order to move forward in the Minsk process. And we are committed to doing so.

We talked about the Middle East and about recent events in Turkey, obviously, and about the importance of implementing both the Paris Climate Change Agreement and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran.

Later today, as Boris mentioned, we are going to be gathering with our fellow foreign ministers, first with a smaller group that will talk about Syria, and then subsequently we will meet with Arab colleagues to talk about Yemen, both of which we think we have the possibility of making progress on.

I intend to provide an update on my trip to Moscow and negotiations with President Putin and Foreign Minister Lavrov and the concrete steps that the U.S. and Russia are planning to take. We are still planning – I talked with Foreign Minister Lavrov again today. We both believe that we have an understanding of the direction we’re going in and what needs to be achieved, and our teams will meet shortly in order to continue to do that, in order to bolster the cessation of hostilities and in order to increase our capacity to fight back against al-Qaida, which is Nusrah, as well as to fight back against ISIL.

We will also do everything in our power to improve the delivery of food, medicine, water, incredibly essential humanitarian needs that need to be met. And ultimately – and I met today here in London with Staffan de Mistura to talk about the role the UN needs to play and will play as we go forward in this process.

This evening, we have a dinner that will deal with Yemen and how we can further the process in Kuwait and advance the prospects for an agreement that brings the Yemeni people the peace and security that they need and deserve.

So that’s scratching the surface of regions and challenges that we face, but they are some of the most pressing. And I know that Boris is fully prepared to and ready to jump into this agenda. I appreciate the commitments he has made and his readiness to see to it that this steady relationship of ours continues with the same sense of purpose and the same commitment to the values that we share.

I’d just close by saying to you – and I don’t want to overdo this, but on the other hand, it’s not a small deal. And it’s particularly not a small deal when you’re just a few meters away from the bunker and the place from which Winston Churchill guided this nation and the free world, together with Roosevelt and others through the war and through a great challenge against fascism, and how together we then went on to win the Cold War and the difference that that has made to so many nations that today are democratic because of it. More democratic nations in the world than any time in history.

So I just point out that when times have been tough and we have faced them together, we have listened to the words of Winston Churchill, who spoke to a joint session of Congress about what can be achieved by British and Americans working together heart and hand. So that’s our intention. The challenges today are more varied. They’re more complex. They require different responses. They are less clear-cut in many ways and they have a mix of religion and sectarianism and clash of culture and history and modernity that was not part of an age-old struggle of nation-states in their competition for territory and dominion.

So this is a different time and it requires different thinking. And I welcome a colleague who I know is committed by education and career and thinking to play his part in our efforts to meet this particular challenge. Thank you.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Thank you very much, John. And we’re going to go – I think we’re going to have a couple questions from the UK, then the American media. James Landale, BBC.

QUESTION: James Landale, BBC. Good afternoon. Foreign Secretary, six months ago you argued strongly that the West should work with President Assad to defeat IS. You now say that he has to go. What was it that changed your thinking, apart from the fact that you’re now in government? And do you fear that the Americans, by working so closely with the Russians at the moment, might end up in a place where they do begin to seek some kind of accommodation with Assad?

Secondly, as this is your first news conference since your appointment, can I give you this opportunity to apologize to world leaders you may or may not have been rude to over the last 12 months – (laughter) – and ask us what your strategy is to try and rebuild trust?

And Secretary Kerry, now that Britain has voted to leave the European Union, can you confirm what President Obama said that Britain is now at the back of the queue when it comes to international trade deals? And secondly, in all your years as a statesman, have you ever come across anybody quite like Boris Johnson? (Laughter.)

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: I’m going to take – I’m going to – I’ll give you some time to think about that, John. (Laughter.) Just on the second point first, James, look, I mean, we – I think we could all spend an awfully long time going over lots of stuff that I’ve written over the last 30 years of some serious issues, and all of which in my view have been taken out of context, but never mind. There’s some serious issues before us today: a humanitarian crisis, real problems in Egypt on the agenda tonight, and of course, the continuing crisis in Yemen.

And looking actually directly at the whole question that you raise about Assad and whether he should go, it’s always been my view that he should go and I think it’s – that’s agreed amongst everybody in the Western powers.

What we also want to see – and I think that it’s very interesting that you’ve had some productive discussions, John, in Moscow over the last couple of days – I think there is a prize. For me there is a – no one would deny that the situation in Syria is hellish at the moment, and it is very, very hard to see a way through. But if there is a way through, then it must surely involve the regime somehow coming to terms with the moderates in the opposition somehow engaging in a peace process with them, at the same time as agreeing to a transition away from power for Assad, which is what everybody wants to see, and everybody then concentrating their fire, their energies on the threat, which is from Daesh/ISIL. That is what is our objective. And I won’t say it’s going to be easy, but that seems to be – to me, to be the best way forward.

SECRETARY KERRY: So with respect to the trade relationship and where we’re going, we actually talked about that a little bit. We talked about it yesterday, obviously, with the Foreign Affairs Committee in Brussels. And let me just say that, obviously, there are complicated questions that are posed by Brexit, and everybody understands that. I think that Prime Minister May, Chancellor Merkel, Boris, Philip Hammond – people have been making responsible statements – Federica Mogherini – about how we need to be calm, how we need to be thoughtful, how we need to proceed to work through as rapidly as we can the ways in which this can be managed to maximize the benefit and minimize whatever negative aspect there is to it.

So everybody understands that as a starting point here, folks, the UK has to work to define its new trade relationship with the EU. I mean, that’s obvious and automatic. And the British have told us that they can’t sign any kind of new trade agreement, and I think it stands to common sense that you can’t do that, until they’re no longer a member of the EU.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: That’s right.

SECRETARY KERRY: So there’s a certain time period here, no matter what, a process that may take at least a couple of years, before anyone could contemplate some kind of an agreement.

Now, President Obama has also made it very clear – and I very much support this point of view not because I work for him, but it’s the right point of view – that we need to talk, all of us. We need to talk together. We need to talk with the EU; the EU needs to talk to the UK. People need to be trying to figure out, okay, so now this is happening and we need to do this in a way that’s as thoughtful as possible. And everybody has very high stakes in that. Our citizens depend on the prosperity that has come with the remarkable transformation of the global economy over the years, but not enough to enough people. And that’s a phenomenon in the United States, as well as it is here, as well as it is in other parts of the world. So we can benefit by talking to each other and trying to figure out how we continue to be able to grow our economies, but do so in a way so that every single income earner within those countries benefits appropriately from that journey.

Now, with respect to Boris Johnson, my colleague now – and let me just say that I served 28 years in the United States Senate; one year and a half, two years, as a lieutenant governor; as a prosecutor for many years; I ran for president of the United States; and I have now been Secretary of State for three and a half years, so I have met everybody in the world like Boris Johnson, or not. And I don’t even know what you mean, “like Boris Johnson.”

Our ambassador to the EU in Brussels, who I just spent the evening with the other night, had the privilege of going to Oxford with Boris Johnson. And in fact, Boris Johnson got him to come into the Oxford Union, of which Boris was president, and talked to me about some great experiences that they had together there. And he told me that this man is a very smart and capable man. That’s the Boris Johnson that I have met --

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: That’s (inaudible). I can live with that. I could live with that. I can live with that (inaudible). (Laughter.)

SECRETARY KERRY: -- and that’s the Boris Johnson that I intend to work with, and we intend to make good things happen together.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Phew, just stop there. (Laughter.) That’s great. Thank you for this --

PARTICIPANT: It’s called diplomacy. (Laughter.)

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Fantastic. (Laughter.) It’s going well, John. Thank you very much to you. (Laughter.) I think we got through that one all right. (Laughter.) Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much, Secretary of State.

Could we go to – I think we got a – sorry, it’s your question now, John. It’s a question from the U.S. media, if you want to identify someone from U.S. media.

SECRETARY KERRY: Brad Klapper of AP.

QUESTION: Thank you. I have a question for each of you as well. First, Mr. Foreign Secretary, I have to follow up on my colleague’s question because you didn’t quite answer it. You’ve accused the current U.S. President, Barack Obama, of harboring a part-Kenyans, quote, “ancestral dislike for the British Empire”, unquote, while claiming, I think untruthfully at the time, that he didn’t want a Churchill bust in the White House. You’ve described the possible future U.S. president, Hillary Clinton, as someone with, quote, “dyed blond hair and pouty lips, and a steely-blue stare, like a sadistic nurse in a mental hospital,” unquote. You’ve also likened her to Lady Macbeth. Do you take these comments back, or do you want to take them with you into your new job as some sort of indicator of the type of diplomacy you will practice?

And then one for the Secretary of State: Given that Mr. Johnson led a campaign that your government viewed pretty universally as detrimental to UK, EU, and even U.S. interests, what confidence do you have that, as foreign secretary, Mr. Johnson will represent the interests of anyone but himself? Is the Mr. Johnson you saw during the referendum campaign what the UK, EU, and U.S. needs right now at a time of so many challenges?

SECRETARY KERRY: I couldn’t hear the last sentence of that.

QUESTION: Is the Mr. Johnson you saw campaigning before the referendum the type of man you think the UK, the EU, and the U.S. needs right now at a time of so many challenges?

SECRETARY KERRY: Yeah.

QUESTION: Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: Okay, you want me to go first?

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Let --

SECRETARY KERRY: You want to go?

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Well, just to thank you for giving me an opportunity, really, to repeat a point that I made earlier on. I’m afraid that in the – there is such a rich thesaurus now of things that I have said that are being one way or another, through what alchemy I do not know, somehow misconstrued that it would really take me too long to engage in a full, global itinerary of apology to all concerned. And I think most people – most people who read these things in their proper context can see exactly what was intended. And indeed, I find that virtually everybody I’ve met so far in this job understands that very well, particularly on the international scene.

And we have some very serious issues before us today. We have an unfolding humanitarian crisis in Syria, which, as I said earlier on, is getting worse and worse. We have to come up with some answers there. We have real problems in Yemen, which are currently intractable, and we have a burgeoning crisis in Egypt.

Those, to my mind, are far more important than any obiter dicta that you may disinter from 30 years of journalism.

SECRETARY KERRY: So Brad, what we’re doing in Afghanistan together, what we’re doing in the UN Security Council together, what we’re doing and did in the Iran nuclear agreement and in its application, what we are doing in the fight against ISIL together, what we are doing in Libya, what we are doing with respect to rule of law, South China Sea, North Korea, nuclear weapons, what we are doing with respect to developmental policies and the vision of the United Nations in 2030 – and I can go on and on and on – has absolutely nothing to do with the referendum that took place here in Great Britain. And I am absolutely confident, with respect to all of those issues and more, that Secretary Johnson is committed on behalf of his government and the people of Great Britain to following through on that. And they have made that clear before the referendum and after the referendum that they remain deeply committed to NATO, to the UN Security Council, to the G7, to the G20, to the treaties, and to all of the endeavors which will make this world safer.

So I’m confident, yes, that as long as the British people, because this is a democracy, provide a budget and support these endeavors, because it does matter to their security and prosperity, that we will continue to work extremely closely together.

Now, with respect to the question of the referendum of Mr. Johnson before the referendum et cetera, the people of Britain voted. This is a democracy. We all expect a democracy. Yes, it is a fact President Obama and I both said we thought that we would be better off with a continuation of the UK’s membership within the EU, and that’s a well-known fact, but that’s not the way the people of this country voted. And we respect democracy, all of us. Therefore, it is our job to implement in the best way possible what people voted for and to try to guarantee that the response is going to meet their standard, not ours. That’s the ultimate arbiter of this.

So I am absolutely confident, yes, that post-referendum that we’re going to work together, and we talked about specific things that we need to do to try to avoid negative consequences and work on the positive ones. And I do know this, as I said earlier, and I’m not throwing this away as a casual comment of diplomacy, but I believe that Secretary Johnson brings considerable intellect and value – values – to this initiative, and I look forward to working with him.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Thank you very much, John. I think we’ve got one more question from the UK media – James (inaudible).

QUESTION: Good afternoon. A question for you both, if I may, and if I could take you back to that comment about Britain being at the back of the queue --

SECRETARY KERRY: Do you mind – mike closer? Thank you.

QUESTION: Sure. The comments about Britain being at the back of the queue – if I understood your answer right, you were saying that until we have exited the EU, you cannot begin negotiations with Britain. And therefore does that mean we are indeed still at the back of the queue, or is it possible for you to begin informal negotiations about what a British-U.S. deal might look like?

SECRETARY KERRY: No, I didn’t say that we couldn’t begin conversations or negotiate. What I said is it’s impossible to sign an agreement until the EU issue is resolved, and that obviously takes a period of time. But President Obama made it very clear the other day, as did our trade representative, Michael Froman, that we are absolutely prepared to engage in conversations because it would be irresponsible not to.

QUESTION: And in which case --

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: I really couldn’t add anything to that superb answer.

QUESTION: In which case, when you were sat down just then, did you begin those informal negotiations?

And then secondly, if I may, a domestic question for the foreign secretary. While we journalists have been gently baking in here, the new home secretary has been asked if she would recommit the government to the tens of thousands target in relation to immigration and declined to do so, saying only that she now wishes it to be reduced to sustainable levels. And I wonder if you agree that it’s time for the tens of thousands target to go.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Well, just on your first question, James, I think that Secretary Kerry, John, is completely, completely right. It is legally impossible to enter into another trade deal whilst we are in the EU. Though clearly you can begin to pencil things in, you can’t ink them in, and that’s the – that’s entirely right and proper.

On migration numbers, I think the home secretary’s entirely right to be careful about committing to numbers, because one doesn’t want to be in a position where you’re disappointing people again. But what is certainly possible post a – post leaving the EU and once we end our obligations under uncontrolled free movement, it will be possible to have a system of control, and that was what we were talking about in the referendum campaign. You can’t do that immediately, clearly, because we are still in the EU and subject to uncontrolled free movement. I’m sure that everybody here understands that.

And as for the heat of the day, it is very, very great, but we have some beautiful surplus German water cannon, so – (Laughter.)

SECRETARY KERRY: Is there something in store for me I’m not aware of? (Laughter.)

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: It’s what I feel like at the moment, actually.

SECRETARY KERRY: We all do.

Last question from the U.S. side, Gardiner Harris of The New York Times.

QUESTION: Mr. Foreign Secretary, I understand that you don’t want to revisit the past, perhaps, but you have an unusually long history of --

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: This one again.

QUESTION: -- wild exaggerations and, frankly, outright lies that I think few foreign secretaries have prior to this job. And I’m just wondering how Mr. Kerry and others should believe what you say considering this very, very long history.

And Mr. Kerry --

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: I appreciate the First Amendment and your right to free speech, but I think we need chapter and verse on this stuff. Sorry. You --

SECRETARY KERRY: No, go ahead. (Inaudible.)

QUESTION: This is what you would do if you were in my place. (Inaudible.)

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Oh, I’m sorry. Look, I mean – let me just --

QUESTION: Let’s go.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: -- repeat my point, which is that I think people are more than welcome to rake over the stuff I’ve written over many, many years, but I think the most important thing is to get on with the very heavy agenda we have before us today and to try and sort out, if we can, some of the intensifying problems we’re seeing, particularly in Syria. And I think most people who are paying their taxes would rather that those were our priorities.

SECRETARY KERRY: You had a part of the question for --

QUESTION: Well, I think we’re all sort of – I want to go back a little bit to the trade deals. Sir, you’ve struck two different trade deals, and the United States has TPP and TTIP. You spoke at length about TTIP yesterday in Brussels. It’s an important priority for you, for the United States. Given that we’re all – the United States is already deeply invested in these two large trade deals, is there any chance that the Administration – this Administration or the next – will prioritize a trade deal with Britain over those already in the queue?

SECRETARY KERRY: It would be physically impossible to do so. I think we’ve made that clear here today. It’s not a question of discretion, it’s just it’s physically impossible to do so. Until Great Britain – until the UK is not part of the EU, it is part of the EU. It’s that simple. And so we are going to continue to negotiate with the EU, and I find that in my meeting yesterday in Brussels there was very broad support for re-engagement on the EU. And I intend to come over here – I’ll be – probably give a speech in a few of the countries in Europe regarding this, because I think there’s a mythology that has attached itself to this because we were very busy negotiating TPP, and some people sort of automatically came out and said, well, TTIP is bad because of this or bad because of that.

No. TTIP is even more important, I believe, and President Obama believes, to Europe now – much more important. And I think that it is an opportunity for us to be able to demythologize it. For instance, regulations do not go downwards. It does not usurp people’s ability to have strict standards. It embraces strict standards and it empowers people to be able to regulate their products and economies. And we have respected that in the TPP. We have increased labor rights within the TPP, and I am convinced that it is possible to address the concerns that exist within Europe with respect to TTIP. It’s just that there hasn’t been enough pro advocacy taking place with respect to how this will benefit. But for all those people who voted because they don’t think they’re getting the benefits of globalization, we believe that passing TTIP is in fact the way to begin to guarantee you will get those benefits and that there will be more of those benefits going forward.

And I’m very – feel very confident of this. I voted on any number of trade agreements since I went into the Senate in 1985, going back to NAFTA. And while they are still controversial in some places, the controversy cannot be argued to be because it doesn’t increase the market or because it doesn’t increase access to goods or because it doesn’t provide more consumer choice. It’s because, unfortunately, in certain countries, including mine, not enough of the benefits of that trade have flowed all the way up and down the economic food chain so people feel the benefit of the work that they’re doing to produce those goods. And that is a reflection of tax policy. That is a reflection of social policy. It’s a reflection of whether or not you have stabilization funds, ongoing education. There’s always a certain amount of shift and change within any economy that is modernizing and transforming. But nobody can argue legitimately that the last 30 to 40 years with respect to Europe in terms of the medicines that are available, the places people can go to get a job, the types of jobs that are available, the income levels that people have, aren’t significantly better than the world that existed before these transformations have taken place.

So we’re going to argue for it, we’re going to work for it, and we don’t believe that the current situation prevents us from being able to advance that agenda.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: I passionately agree with what John just had to say just now. And I think you’re absolutely right in your analysis about people not feeling that they’re sharing the benefits of globalization, and people on low income seeing their wages basically stable or in some cases declining while others are increasing. But in fact, the answer to that is to invest in skills and invest in human capital and to boost the productivity of our country. It is not – and this is a crucial thing – about the UK post-Brexit. It is not to close ourselves off or to become any less international. On the contrary, we’ve got to be more outward looking, more free trading, do more deals around the world. And you will discover, gentlemen, if you look carefully at my articles, a long article in defense and in praise of the TTIP.

Thank you very much, everybody, for coming out.

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you very much. Nice to be with you. Thank you.

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Mr. Speaker,

More than fifteen years ago, Prime Minister of India, Atal Bihari Vajpayee stood here and gave a call to step out of the ‘shadow of hesitation’ of the past.

The pages of our friendship since then tell a remarkable story.

Today, our relationship has overcome the hesitations of history.

Comfort, candour and convergence define our conversations.

Through the cycle of elections and transitions of Administrations the intensity of our engagements has only grown.

And, in this exciting journey, the U.S. Congress has acted as its compass.

You helped us turn barriers into bridges of partnership.

In the fall of 2008, when the Congress passed the India-U.S. Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement, it changed the very colours of leaves of our relationship.

We thank you for being there when the partnership needed you the most.

You have also stood by us in times of sorrow.

India will never forget the solidarity shown by the U.S. Congress when terrorists from across our border attacked Mumbai in November of 2008.

And for this, we are grateful.

Mr. Speaker,

I am informed that the working of the U.S. Congress is harmonious.

I am also told that you are well-known for your bipartisanship.

Well, you are not alone.

Time and again, I have also witnessed a similar spirit in the Indian Parliament, especially in our Upper House.

So, as you can see, we have many shared practices.

Mr. Speaker,

As this country knows well, every journey has its pioneers.

Very early on, they shaped a development partnership even when the meeting ground was more limited.

The genius of Norman Borlaug brought the Green Revolution and food security to India.

The excellence of the American Universities nurtured Institutes of Technology and Management in India.

And, I could go on.

Fast forward to today.

The embrace of our partnership extends to the entirety of human endeavour-from the depths of the oceans to the vastness of the space.

Our S&T collaboration continues to helps us in cracking the age-old problems in the fields of public health, education, food, and agriculture.

Ties of commerce and investment are flourishing. We trade more with the U.S. than with any other nation.

And, the flow of goods, services and capital between us generates jobs in both our societies.
As in trade, so in defence. India exercises with the United States more than we do with any other partner. Defence purchases have moved from almost zero to ten billion dollars in less than a decade.

Our cooperation also secures our cities and citizens from terrorists, and protects our critical infrastructure from cyber threats.

Civil Nuclear Cooperation, as I told President Obama yesterday, is a reality.

Mr. Speaker,

Our people to people links are strong; and there is close cultural connect between our societies.

SIRI tells us that India’s ancient heritage of Yoga has over 30 million practitioners in the U.S..

It is estimated that more Americans bend for yoga than to throw a curve ball.

And, no Mr. Speaker, we have not yet claimed intellectual property right on Yoga.
Connecting our two nations is also a unique and dynamic bridge of three million Indian Americans.

Today, they are among your best CEOs; academics; astronauts; scientists; economists; doctors; even spelling bee champions.

They are your strength. They are also the pride of India. They symbolize the best of both our societies.

Mr. Speaker,

My understanding of your great country began long before I entered public office.

Long before assuming office, I travelled coast to coast, covering more than 25 States of America.

I realized then that the real strength of the U.S. was in the dreams of its people and the boldness of their ambitions.

Today, Mr. Speaker, a similar spirit animates India.

Our 800 million youth, especially, are particularly impatient.

India is undergoing a profound social and economic change.

A billion of its citizens are already politically empowered.

My dream is to economically empower them through many social and economic transformations.

And, do so by 2022, the seventy-fifth anniversary of India’s independence.

My to-do list is long and ambitious. But you will understand.

It includes:
• A vibrant rural economy with robust farm sector;
• A roof over each head and electricity to all households;
• To skill millions of our youth;
• Build 100 smart cities;
• Have a broad band for a billion, and connect our villages to the digital world;
• And create a twenty-first century rail, road and port infrastructure.

These are not just aspirations; they are goals to be reached in a finite time-frame.

And, to be achieved with a light carbon foot print, with greater emphasis on renewables.

Mr. Speaker,

In every sector of India’s forward march, I see the U.S. as an indispensable partner.

Many of you also believe that a stronger and prosperous India is in America’s strategic interest.

Let us work together to convert shared ideals into practical cooperation.

There can be no doubt that in advancing this relationship, both nations stand to gain in great measure.

As the U.S. businesses search for new areas of economic growth, markets for their goods, a pool of skilled resources, and global locations to produce and manufacture, India could be their ideal partner.

India’s strong economy, and growth rate of 7.6% per annum, is creating new opportunities for our mutual prosperity.

Transformative American technologies in India and growing investment by Indian companies in the United States both have a positive impact on the lives of our citizens.

Today, for their global research and development centres, India is the destination of choice for the U.S. companies.

Looking eastward from India, across the Pacific, the innovation strength of our two countries
comes together in California.

Here, the innovative genius of America and India’s intellectual creativity are working to shape new industries of the future.

Mr. Speaker,

The 21st century has brought with it great opportunities.

But, it also comes with its own set of challenges.

Inter-dependence is increasing.

But, while some parts of the world are islands of growing economic prosperity; other are mired in conflicts.

In Asia, the absence of an agreed security architecture creates uncertainty.

Threats of terror are expanding, and new challenges are emerging in cyber and outer-space.

And, global institutions conceived in 20th century, seem unable to cope with new challenges or take on new responsibilities.

In this world full of multiple transitions and economic opportunities; growing uncertainties and political complexities; existing threats and new challenges; our engagement can make a difference by promoting:
• Cooperation not dominance;
• Connectivity not isolation;
• Respect for Global Commons;
• inclusive not exclusive mechanisms; and above all
• adherence to international rules and norms.

India is already assuming her responsibilities in securing the Indian Ocean region.
A strong India-U.S. partnership can anchor peace, prosperity and stability from Asia to Africa and from Indian Ocean to the Pacific.

It can also help ensure security of the sea lanes of commerce and freedom of navigation on seas.

But, the effectiveness of our cooperation would increase if international institutions framed with the mindset of the 20th century were to reflect the realities of today.

Mr. Speaker,

Before arriving in Washington D.C., I had visited Herat in Western Afghanistan to inaugurate Afghan-India Friendship Dam, a 42 MW hydro-electric project built with Indian assistance. I was also there on the Christmas day last year to dedicate to that proud nation its Parliament, a testimony to our democratic ties.

Afghans naturally recognize that the sacrifices of American have helped create a better life.
But, your contribution in keeping the region safe and secure is deeply appreciated even beyond.

India too has made an enormous contribution and sacrifices to support our friendship with Afghan people.

A commitment to rebuild a peaceful, and stable and prosperous Afghanistan our shared objective.

Yet, Distinguished Members, not just in Afghanistan, but elsewhere in South Asia, and globally, terrorism remains the biggest threat.

In the territory stretching from West of India’s border to Africa, it may go by different names, from Laskhar-e-Taiba, to Taliban to ISIS.

But, it’s philosophy is common: of hate, murder and violence.

Although it’s shadow is spreading across the world, it is incubated in India’s neighbourhood.

I commend the members of the U.S. Congress for sending a clear message to those who preach and practice terrorism for political gains.

Refusing to reward them is the first step towards holding them accountable for their actions.

The fight against terrorism has to be fought at many levels.

And, the traditional tools of military, intelligence or diplomacy alone would not be able to win this fight.

Mr. Speaker,

We have both lost civilians and soldiers in combating it.

The need of the hour is for us to deepen our security cooperation.

And, base it on a policy:
• that isolates those who harbour, support and sponsor terrorists;
• that does not distinguish between “good” and “bad” terrorists; and that delinks religion from terrorism.

Also, for us to succeed, those who believe in humanity must come together to fight for it as one, and speak against this menace in one voice.

Terrorism must be delegitimized.

Mr. Speaker,

The benefits of our partnership extend not just to the nations and regions that need it most.

On our own, and by combining our capacities, we are also responding to other global challenges including when disaster strikes and where humanitarian relief is needed.

Far from our shores, we evacuated thousands from Yemen, Indians, Americans and others.

Nearer home, we were the first responders during Nepal’s earthquake, in the Maldives water crisis and most recently during landslide in Sri Lanka.

We are also one of the largest contributors of troops to UN Peace Keeping Operations.

Often, India and the U.S. have combined their strengths in science, technology and innovation to help fight hunger, poverty, diseases and illiteracy in different parts of the world.

The success of our partnership is also opening up new opportunities for learning, security and development from Asia to Africa.

And, the protection of environment and caring for the planet is central to our shared vision of a just world.

For us in India, to live in harmony with mother earth is part of our ancient belief.

And, to take from nature only what is most essential is part of our civilizational ethos.

Our partnership, therefore, aims to balance responsibilities with capabilities.

And, it also focuses on new ways to increase the availability and use of renewable energy.

A strong U.S. support for our initiative to form an International Solar Alliance is one such effort.

We are working together not just for a better future for ourselves, but for the whole world.

This has also been the goal of our efforts in G-20, East Asia Summit and Climate Change summits.

Mr. Speaker and Distinguished Members

As we deepen our partnership, there would be times when we would have differing perspectives.

But, since our interests and concerns converge, the autonomy in decision making and diversity in our perspectives can only add value to our partnership.

So, as we embark on a new journey, and seek new goals, let us focus not just on matters routine but transformational ideas.

Ideas which can focus:
• Not just on creating wealth but also creating value for our societies;
• Not just on immediate gains but also long term benefits;
• Not just on sharing best practices but also shaping partnerships; and
• Not just on building a bright future for our peoples, but in being a bridge to a more united, humane and prosperous world.

And, important for the success of this journey would be a need to view it with new eyes and new sensitivities.

When we do this, we will realise the full promise of this extraordinary relationship.

Mr. Speaker,

My final thoughts and words would reiterate that our relationship is primed for a momentous future.

The constraints of the past are behind us and foundations of the future are firmly in place.
In the lines of Walt Whitman,

“The Orchestra have sufficiently tuned their instruments, the baton has given the signal.”

And to that, if I might add, there is a new symphony in play.

Thank you Mr. Speaker and Distinguished members for this honour.

Thank you very much.

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Melania Trump's full speech at the 2016 Republican National Convention

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jt_9yb4FSYA  



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J1WrM-d8Sx8&feature=player_embedded   カズオイシグロ 英 


 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=blbCggupMlY   


「変化の波を起こすスイッチの正体」 佐々木裕子 

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jQbpLVI6DwE&nohtml5=False 英→ エマワトソンHe for She 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8mAPA3YKC_A  →英用 Reasons for religion  TED  Daiko Matsuyama。



 

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東京都知事選立候補予定者 共同記者会見 2016.7.13

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CBXke4NFJG0

http://www.jnpc.or.jp/


ティム・ヒッチンズ 駐日英国大使 「BREXITとEUの未来」① 2016.7.1

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8ukb3VJ5izQ


Editorial: 'Brexit' supporters need to show flexibility


The European Union (EU) has held its first summit meeting without Britain to confirm members' basic stance toward Britain, which decided to leave the union in a recent referendum. The leaders of EU member countries have agreed not to allow Britain to cherry-pick the EU, such a participating in the free economic zone while refusing to accept immigrants.


In other words, the ball was thrown back into Britain's court. The British ruling Conservative Party has begun a leadership election to pick a successor to Prime Minister David Cameron, who has announced that he will step down to take responsibility for the British public's decision to leave the EU. However, former London Mayor Boris Johnson who was viewed as one of the most likely candidates as leader of the Conservative Party has declared that he will not run in the race.

Attention should be focused on the decision by Johnson, who was a symbolic figure in favor of "Brexit," not to run in the leadership election because the move could affect Britain's breakaway from the union.

The leaders of the 27 EU member countries, excluding Britain, have confirmed that the free movement of people, goods, money and services within the union is a single package and that no member is allowed to exclude the free movement of people.

This is the first time that the EU is experiencing a member country leaving the union. The EU cannot easily compromise with Britain in order to prevent Brexit from spurring further breakaways.

However, the EU's assertions are far removed from what British people in favor of leaving the union had envisioned before the referendum. After leaving the EU, Britain can no longer be involved in the union's decision-making processes, while continuing to be required to accept immigrants.

If Britain were to reject conditions offered by the EU, the country could not benefit from its neighboring huge market and lose its position as an international financial hub and its economic dynamism.

Now is the time for those in favor of Brexit to squarely face the reality and modify their course for the sake of the British people. While the fact that a majority of those who voted in the referendum supported Brexit should be taken seriously, it has become increasingly clear that the blueprint for a Britain independent of the EU presented by those in favor of breakaway is difficult to achieve. Quite a few people who voted to leave the EU in the referendum are now feeling "buyer's remorse" and are seeking to hold another referendum on the issue to avoid the Brexit.

Johnson's decision not to run in the Conservative Party leadership election appears to be favorable for Home Secretary Theresa May, another hopeful candidate who insists that Britain stay in the EU. Michael Gove, justice secretary and an influential figure in favor of Brexit, who decided to run in the leadership race in place of Johnson, should put his upmost efforts into creating a blueprint for Britain, over which the country could agree with the EU.

Fortunately, the EU has given more than a two-month grace period to Britain until the next prime minister is elected to initiate the process of leaving the union. Once Britain enters the process, the country can no longer reverse the move. There may be some EU members hoping that Britain will reconsider its decision to leave the union.

Since Britain caused great confusion to the EU and the world, British political leaders should take advantage of the grace period to explore ways to minimize the chaos.


英国の針路 離脱派は柔軟に修正を


欧州連合(EU)が初めて英国抜きの首脳会議を開いた。国民投票でEU離脱を決めた英国に対する基本方針を確認するためだ。移民は受け入れないが、EUの自由経済圏には参加する、といった「いいとこ取り」は認めない厳格さで結束した。


 ボールは英国のコートに投げ返された形だ。その英国では辞意を表明したキャメロン首相の後継者を決める保守党党首選が始まったが、有力候補と目されていたボリス・ジョンソン前ロンドン市長が、立候補見送りを表明した。

 離脱派の象徴的存在だったジョンソン氏の不出馬は、英国のEU離脱そのものに影響を与える可能性があり注目したい。

 英国を除くEU27カ国の首脳が提示した方針はこうだ。単一市場がもたらす「人、モノ、カネ、サービス」の域内の自由な行き来はあくまでセットで、人の自由移動だけ除外するご都合主義は許されない、ということである。

 初の離脱手続きを経験するEUだ。次なる離脱を誘発しないためにも、そう簡単に譲歩はできない。

 だが、EU側の主張は英国の離脱派が国民投票前に描いてみせた姿とかけ離れている。EUからついに離脱できたと思ったら、移民の受け入れは今と変わらず、しかもEUのさまざまな意思決定には参加できないことになるのだ。

 ではEU側の条件を拒否すればどうなるか。隣接する巨大市場のうまみを享受できず、英経済は国際金融センターとしての地位低下も含め、活力を失いかねない。

 離脱派は現実を直視し、英国民のために路線を修正する時ではないか。国民投票で離脱票が過半を占めた事実は重いが、離脱派が示した英国の実現が困難なことが明らかになってきたのだ。国民投票の再実施など、離脱回避を求める声が離脱を支持した人の中にも少なくない。

 ジョンソン氏の不出馬は、EU残留支持で同じく有力候補のテリーザ・メイ内相に有利に働きそうだ。同氏、そして、急きょジョンソン氏に代わり立候補を表明した離脱派の有力者、マイケル・ゴーブ司法相にも、EU側と合意可能な海図の作製に全力を尽くすよう求めたい。

 英国にとって明るい材料は、EU側が、新首相が決まるまでの2カ月あまりを事実上、猶予したことだ。ひとたび離脱行程に入れば、逆戻りできなくなる。EUの中にも本音では、離脱以外の道が浮上することを期待する思いがあるのではないか。

 大混乱を招いたのである。英国の指導層には、この猶予期間を最大限生かし、傷を浅くする策を見いだしてもらいたい。

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Theresa May: First speech as Prime Minister

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FDyZ8trge2E


I have just been to Buckingham Palace where Her Majesty the Queen has asked me to form a new government, and I accepted.

In David Cameron, I follow in the footsteps of a great, modern prime minister. Under David's leadership, the government stabilized the economy, reduced the budget deficit, and helped more people into work than ever before.

But David's true legacy is not about the economy, but about social justice. From the introduction of same-sex marriage, to taking people on low wages out of income tax altogether.

David Cameron has led a one nation government and it is in that spirit that I also plan to lead. Because not everybody knows this, but the full title of my party is the Conservative and Unionist Party. And that word Unionist is very important to me. It means we believe in the Union. That precious, precious bond between England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.

But it means something else that is just as important. It means that we believe in a Union not just of the nations of the United Kingdom, but between all of our citizens. Every one of us, whoever we are and wherever we are from.

That means fighting against the burning injustice that if you are born poor, you will die on average nine years earlier than others. If you're black, you're treated more harshly by the criminal justice system than if you are white. If you're a white, working-class boy, you're less likely than anyone else in Britain to go to university. If you're at a state school, you're less likely to reach the top professions than if you were educated privately.

If you are a woman, you will earn less than a man. If you suffer from mental health problems, there's not enough help to hand. If you're young, you'll find it harder than ever before to own your own home.

But the mission to make Britain a country that works for everyone means more than just fighting these injustices.

If you're from an ordinary working-class family, life is much harder than many people in Westminster realize. You have the job, but you don't always have the job security. You have your own home, but you worry about paying the mortgage. You can just about manage, but you worry about the cost of living and getting your kids into a good school.

If you're one of those families. If you're just managing. I want to address you directly. I know you're working around the clock, I know you're doing your best, and I know that sometimes, life can be a struggle. The government I lead will be driven not by the interests of a privileged few, but by yours.

We will do everything we can to give you more control over your lives. When we take the big calls, we'll think not of the powerful but you. When we pass new laws, we'll listen not to the mighty, but you. When it comes to taxes we'll prioritize not the wealthy, but you. When it comes to opportunity, we won't entrench the advantages of the fortunate few. We will do everything we can to help anybody, whatever your background, to go as far as your talents will take you.

We are living through an important moment in our country's history. Following the referendum we face a time of great national change. And I know because we're Great Britain, we will rise to the challenge.

As we leave the European Union, we will forge a bold, new positive role for ourselves in the world. And we will make Britain a country that works not for a privileged few, but for every one of us.

That will be the mission of the government I lead, and together, we will build a better Britain

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