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Joint Press Availability With U.K. Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CyyfZTZGEwM


FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Good afternoon, everybody. Welcome to the Lacarno Room and a particularly warm welcome to U.S. Secretary John Kerry. We’re delighted to have this early opportunity to welcome the Secretary of State to London and for a key meeting with our international partners to discuss Syria and Yemen and the conflicts there. Secretary Kerry and I have just come from a very productive bilateral meeting. I want to pay particular tribute to the leadership and dedication John continues to provide on the many challenges and threats facing the world today, not least the situation in Syria.


http://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2016/07/260264.htm


The special relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom remains strong and vital, and we continue to advance mutual interests and tackle shared challenges. Secretary Kerry and I will shortly be joined by European colleagues for a meeting on Syria. Syria continues to be ravaged by the twin evils of a long civil war and the inhumanity of Daesh terrorism.

The international community, under the umbrella of the International Syria Support Group and the chairmanship of the United States and Russia, came together in order to create a pathway to peace. We set out a clear plan in February of this year: a cessation of hostilities; access for humanitarian aid for all those in need; and UN-led political negotiations leading to agreement on a framework for a genuine political transition.

But after an initially promising start, we are still short of where we need to be. The current situation on the ground in Syria is dire – heavy bombing by regime forces in and around Aleppo, and there’s an escalation of fighting in Daraya. In Aleppo, there’s also 300,000 men, women, and children besieged and the sole surviving access route for humanitarian aid has been cut off. The whole country is facing another terrible humanitarian catastrophe, and therefore a potential leap in the number of refugees seeking to escape Syria.

Secretary Kerry has been working tirelessly with the UN and Russia to try to resolve these challenges. Russia in particular has a unique ability to persuade the Assad regime to end the carnage and return to the negotiating table. So we seek those with influence over the Assad regime, including Russia and Iran, to ensure humanitarian access to the besieged areas, in line with UN Security Council resolutions and commitments made with members of the International Syria Support Group. I’m looking forward to discussing all these issues and challenges shortly.

Later this evening, Secretary Kerry and I will be joining foreign ministers from Saudi Arabia and the UAE to discuss Yemen. The UK is fully supportive of the UN process and the good work of the UN special envoy. We are clear that a political solution is the only way forward. I encourage the parties to engage in good faith, without preconditions, to respect the cessation of hostilities and to work towards finding a solution for the people of Yemen.

Let me finish by saying something about what I want us in this country to achieve with our foreign policy over the next few years, because obviously there’s a change that took place from the events of June the 23rd onwards. And I want us to reshape Britain’s profile as an even greater global nation, a Britain that is more active, more outward facing, more energetic on the world stage than ever before.

And clearly, as I have been saying repeatedly over the last few weeks, on our relations with the European Union, we have to give effect to the will of the people. But that does not mean in any sense leaving Europe. That would be – Europe – that we’re properly understood, that would be geographically, historically, culturally, intellectually, emotionally impossible.

After we’ve completed our extrication from the treaties of the European Union, after the negotiations, what I want to see – and I believe on this you and I are at one, John – is more Britain abroad, more of the UK presence on the world stage. And I think we now have a very exciting opportunity to achieve that.

It’s going to be a very busy but I’m sure a very worthwhile afternoon. Thank you very much. John, (inaudible).

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Boris, thank you very much. Thank you. Good afternoon to everybody. And thank you, Boris, for not only a very generous welcome but literally for a very warm welcome – (laughter) – to London. And I particularly congratulate you again on your appointment as the foreign secretary.

I also want to thank Prime Minister May. I’m particularly grateful to her for taking time to meet with me earlier to convey her – where she conveyed her gratitude for President Obama’s conversation with her and we expressed our gratitude for the strong relationship between our countries. And we had a very frank and substantive discussion this morning. We had a very frank and substantive discussion today. But this now is the second day in a row that I am seeing Boris Johnson, and we will be seeing each other in Washington on Wednesday and Thursday, so we’re off to a fast start in terms of addressing the challenges that we face.

I also am grateful to the prime minister for her strongly stated, very pronounced commitment to living up to the special relationship between the United States and Great Britain. And Boris has just reiterated that now. We all saw also, through her very swift actions as she formed her government without delay, that she is clearly ready to hit the ground running, and that was certainly my impression in the conversation that I had with her today.

One thing that also struck me from the prime minister’s first comments in office was her commitment to the precious bonds, as she called them, among citizens, communities, and the regions of this country. And for all of us who have been wondering about what has been taking place in terms of both the votes and the politics of the country, that is reassuring and important.

In that spirit, I return to London today to reaffirm ourselves the special and unbreakable ties between the United States and the United Kingdom. And these are more than words, folks. I don’t want to just say them. They’re not just the words of diplomacy. They really aren’t. This is a genuine expression of a feeling of friendship, and it is built up over years and years of common sacrifice, common endeavor, common interests, common values that have been shared consistently between us.

I think that it is clear that no shift in administrations – and I’m speaking for us either – in either of our countries is going to alter or undermine the bonds that we have. And the reason for that is very basic. Our alliance is rooted in the ties of family, language, culture, common interests, shared values, the history of the last century, the sacrifices we made together to build the international structure that we live by today, a structure of rule of law, and a belief in open the markets and democratic governance, in human rights, personal rights, in freedom, tolerance, and equality. And whether it’s people’s safety and security are being threatened, as it was today on a train by a young person with an ax, or by a deranged and somehow inspired individual getting in a truck and mowing down countless numbers of people, or any of the other horrible visions that the world has had visited on it over the course of the last several years, the fact is none of those things are going to be lessened, diminished, and our commitment to them likewise will remain as strong as ever.

So the fact is that the United States of America depends on a strong United Kingdom, and we mean united. And it depends also on an engaged United Kingdom. There is occasion after occasion in my tenure as Secretary of State where the presence of the United Kingdom, the involvement of your foreign secretary – whether it was William Hague with whom I first began or whether it was then Philip Hammond – we have consistently been able to work together to do things that have made a difference to the safety of people on this planet. And that is particularly pronounced in the Iran nuclear agreement and in the climate change agreement we reached in Paris.

As I said in Brussels, we also depend on a close relationship with the European Union. And as Britain and the EU begin negotiating the new terms of their partnership, America is rooting for and will do all we can to try to encourage and assist in the development of the smoothest possible transition and a highly integrated and collaborative UK-EU relationship.

Now, in my meetings today I was gratified by the reassurances that I heard from Prime Minister May and from Foreign Secretary Johnson. I am convinced that this UK Government intends to lead as strongly as ever within NATO, the UN Security Council, the G7, the G20, the Counter-Daesh Coalition, which will meet in Washington in a couple of days, and they will do so on behalf of international security as well as the security of the people of Britain, as well as for stability and prosperity and on behalf of all of us in the democratic community of nations. I think we all count on the role that the UK can play, on the contribution that it can make, and we rely on it to play a central role in global affairs, cooperating on a wide range of pressing issues.

And I don’t think there is a time – I speak for the United States – when we have been confronted by as many different areas and regions with challenges, all of them with an impact on global security, all of them needing a response simultaneously. And for the United States, we are more engaged in more places simultaneously than at any time in American history.

Now, we talked briefly today and we talked a little yesterday about the challenge that is posed by Daesh/ISIL and other violent extremist groups and also about the progress that we are making against Daesh in Iraq, in Syria, Libya, and elsewhere. We shared ideas also about the reforms that are necessary in Ukraine and how we can move to fully implement Minsk, and what is needed both by Russia and the Ukrainians in order to move forward in the Minsk process. And we are committed to doing so.

We talked about the Middle East and about recent events in Turkey, obviously, and about the importance of implementing both the Paris Climate Change Agreement and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran.

Later today, as Boris mentioned, we are going to be gathering with our fellow foreign ministers, first with a smaller group that will talk about Syria, and then subsequently we will meet with Arab colleagues to talk about Yemen, both of which we think we have the possibility of making progress on.

I intend to provide an update on my trip to Moscow and negotiations with President Putin and Foreign Minister Lavrov and the concrete steps that the U.S. and Russia are planning to take. We are still planning – I talked with Foreign Minister Lavrov again today. We both believe that we have an understanding of the direction we’re going in and what needs to be achieved, and our teams will meet shortly in order to continue to do that, in order to bolster the cessation of hostilities and in order to increase our capacity to fight back against al-Qaida, which is Nusrah, as well as to fight back against ISIL.

We will also do everything in our power to improve the delivery of food, medicine, water, incredibly essential humanitarian needs that need to be met. And ultimately – and I met today here in London with Staffan de Mistura to talk about the role the UN needs to play and will play as we go forward in this process.

This evening, we have a dinner that will deal with Yemen and how we can further the process in Kuwait and advance the prospects for an agreement that brings the Yemeni people the peace and security that they need and deserve.

So that’s scratching the surface of regions and challenges that we face, but they are some of the most pressing. And I know that Boris is fully prepared to and ready to jump into this agenda. I appreciate the commitments he has made and his readiness to see to it that this steady relationship of ours continues with the same sense of purpose and the same commitment to the values that we share.

I’d just close by saying to you – and I don’t want to overdo this, but on the other hand, it’s not a small deal. And it’s particularly not a small deal when you’re just a few meters away from the bunker and the place from which Winston Churchill guided this nation and the free world, together with Roosevelt and others through the war and through a great challenge against fascism, and how together we then went on to win the Cold War and the difference that that has made to so many nations that today are democratic because of it. More democratic nations in the world than any time in history.

So I just point out that when times have been tough and we have faced them together, we have listened to the words of Winston Churchill, who spoke to a joint session of Congress about what can be achieved by British and Americans working together heart and hand. So that’s our intention. The challenges today are more varied. They’re more complex. They require different responses. They are less clear-cut in many ways and they have a mix of religion and sectarianism and clash of culture and history and modernity that was not part of an age-old struggle of nation-states in their competition for territory and dominion.

So this is a different time and it requires different thinking. And I welcome a colleague who I know is committed by education and career and thinking to play his part in our efforts to meet this particular challenge. Thank you.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Thank you very much, John. And we’re going to go – I think we’re going to have a couple questions from the UK, then the American media. James Landale, BBC.

QUESTION: James Landale, BBC. Good afternoon. Foreign Secretary, six months ago you argued strongly that the West should work with President Assad to defeat IS. You now say that he has to go. What was it that changed your thinking, apart from the fact that you’re now in government? And do you fear that the Americans, by working so closely with the Russians at the moment, might end up in a place where they do begin to seek some kind of accommodation with Assad?

Secondly, as this is your first news conference since your appointment, can I give you this opportunity to apologize to world leaders you may or may not have been rude to over the last 12 months – (laughter) – and ask us what your strategy is to try and rebuild trust?

And Secretary Kerry, now that Britain has voted to leave the European Union, can you confirm what President Obama said that Britain is now at the back of the queue when it comes to international trade deals? And secondly, in all your years as a statesman, have you ever come across anybody quite like Boris Johnson? (Laughter.)

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: I’m going to take – I’m going to – I’ll give you some time to think about that, John. (Laughter.) Just on the second point first, James, look, I mean, we – I think we could all spend an awfully long time going over lots of stuff that I’ve written over the last 30 years of some serious issues, and all of which in my view have been taken out of context, but never mind. There’s some serious issues before us today: a humanitarian crisis, real problems in Egypt on the agenda tonight, and of course, the continuing crisis in Yemen.

And looking actually directly at the whole question that you raise about Assad and whether he should go, it’s always been my view that he should go and I think it’s – that’s agreed amongst everybody in the Western powers.

What we also want to see – and I think that it’s very interesting that you’ve had some productive discussions, John, in Moscow over the last couple of days – I think there is a prize. For me there is a – no one would deny that the situation in Syria is hellish at the moment, and it is very, very hard to see a way through. But if there is a way through, then it must surely involve the regime somehow coming to terms with the moderates in the opposition somehow engaging in a peace process with them, at the same time as agreeing to a transition away from power for Assad, which is what everybody wants to see, and everybody then concentrating their fire, their energies on the threat, which is from Daesh/ISIL. That is what is our objective. And I won’t say it’s going to be easy, but that seems to be – to me, to be the best way forward.

SECRETARY KERRY: So with respect to the trade relationship and where we’re going, we actually talked about that a little bit. We talked about it yesterday, obviously, with the Foreign Affairs Committee in Brussels. And let me just say that, obviously, there are complicated questions that are posed by Brexit, and everybody understands that. I think that Prime Minister May, Chancellor Merkel, Boris, Philip Hammond – people have been making responsible statements – Federica Mogherini – about how we need to be calm, how we need to be thoughtful, how we need to proceed to work through as rapidly as we can the ways in which this can be managed to maximize the benefit and minimize whatever negative aspect there is to it.

So everybody understands that as a starting point here, folks, the UK has to work to define its new trade relationship with the EU. I mean, that’s obvious and automatic. And the British have told us that they can’t sign any kind of new trade agreement, and I think it stands to common sense that you can’t do that, until they’re no longer a member of the EU.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: That’s right.

SECRETARY KERRY: So there’s a certain time period here, no matter what, a process that may take at least a couple of years, before anyone could contemplate some kind of an agreement.

Now, President Obama has also made it very clear – and I very much support this point of view not because I work for him, but it’s the right point of view – that we need to talk, all of us. We need to talk together. We need to talk with the EU; the EU needs to talk to the UK. People need to be trying to figure out, okay, so now this is happening and we need to do this in a way that’s as thoughtful as possible. And everybody has very high stakes in that. Our citizens depend on the prosperity that has come with the remarkable transformation of the global economy over the years, but not enough to enough people. And that’s a phenomenon in the United States, as well as it is here, as well as it is in other parts of the world. So we can benefit by talking to each other and trying to figure out how we continue to be able to grow our economies, but do so in a way so that every single income earner within those countries benefits appropriately from that journey.

Now, with respect to Boris Johnson, my colleague now – and let me just say that I served 28 years in the United States Senate; one year and a half, two years, as a lieutenant governor; as a prosecutor for many years; I ran for president of the United States; and I have now been Secretary of State for three and a half years, so I have met everybody in the world like Boris Johnson, or not. And I don’t even know what you mean, “like Boris Johnson.”

Our ambassador to the EU in Brussels, who I just spent the evening with the other night, had the privilege of going to Oxford with Boris Johnson. And in fact, Boris Johnson got him to come into the Oxford Union, of which Boris was president, and talked to me about some great experiences that they had together there. And he told me that this man is a very smart and capable man. That’s the Boris Johnson that I have met --

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: That’s (inaudible). I can live with that. I could live with that. I can live with that (inaudible). (Laughter.)

SECRETARY KERRY: -- and that’s the Boris Johnson that I intend to work with, and we intend to make good things happen together.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Phew, just stop there. (Laughter.) That’s great. Thank you for this --

PARTICIPANT: It’s called diplomacy. (Laughter.)

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Fantastic. (Laughter.) It’s going well, John. Thank you very much to you. (Laughter.) I think we got through that one all right. (Laughter.) Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much, Secretary of State.

Could we go to – I think we got a – sorry, it’s your question now, John. It’s a question from the U.S. media, if you want to identify someone from U.S. media.

SECRETARY KERRY: Brad Klapper of AP.

QUESTION: Thank you. I have a question for each of you as well. First, Mr. Foreign Secretary, I have to follow up on my colleague’s question because you didn’t quite answer it. You’ve accused the current U.S. President, Barack Obama, of harboring a part-Kenyans, quote, “ancestral dislike for the British Empire”, unquote, while claiming, I think untruthfully at the time, that he didn’t want a Churchill bust in the White House. You’ve described the possible future U.S. president, Hillary Clinton, as someone with, quote, “dyed blond hair and pouty lips, and a steely-blue stare, like a sadistic nurse in a mental hospital,” unquote. You’ve also likened her to Lady Macbeth. Do you take these comments back, or do you want to take them with you into your new job as some sort of indicator of the type of diplomacy you will practice?

And then one for the Secretary of State: Given that Mr. Johnson led a campaign that your government viewed pretty universally as detrimental to UK, EU, and even U.S. interests, what confidence do you have that, as foreign secretary, Mr. Johnson will represent the interests of anyone but himself? Is the Mr. Johnson you saw during the referendum campaign what the UK, EU, and U.S. needs right now at a time of so many challenges?

SECRETARY KERRY: I couldn’t hear the last sentence of that.

QUESTION: Is the Mr. Johnson you saw campaigning before the referendum the type of man you think the UK, the EU, and the U.S. needs right now at a time of so many challenges?

SECRETARY KERRY: Yeah.

QUESTION: Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: Okay, you want me to go first?

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Let --

SECRETARY KERRY: You want to go?

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Well, just to thank you for giving me an opportunity, really, to repeat a point that I made earlier on. I’m afraid that in the – there is such a rich thesaurus now of things that I have said that are being one way or another, through what alchemy I do not know, somehow misconstrued that it would really take me too long to engage in a full, global itinerary of apology to all concerned. And I think most people – most people who read these things in their proper context can see exactly what was intended. And indeed, I find that virtually everybody I’ve met so far in this job understands that very well, particularly on the international scene.

And we have some very serious issues before us today. We have an unfolding humanitarian crisis in Syria, which, as I said earlier on, is getting worse and worse. We have to come up with some answers there. We have real problems in Yemen, which are currently intractable, and we have a burgeoning crisis in Egypt.

Those, to my mind, are far more important than any obiter dicta that you may disinter from 30 years of journalism.

SECRETARY KERRY: So Brad, what we’re doing in Afghanistan together, what we’re doing in the UN Security Council together, what we’re doing and did in the Iran nuclear agreement and in its application, what we are doing in the fight against ISIL together, what we are doing in Libya, what we are doing with respect to rule of law, South China Sea, North Korea, nuclear weapons, what we are doing with respect to developmental policies and the vision of the United Nations in 2030 – and I can go on and on and on – has absolutely nothing to do with the referendum that took place here in Great Britain. And I am absolutely confident, with respect to all of those issues and more, that Secretary Johnson is committed on behalf of his government and the people of Great Britain to following through on that. And they have made that clear before the referendum and after the referendum that they remain deeply committed to NATO, to the UN Security Council, to the G7, to the G20, to the treaties, and to all of the endeavors which will make this world safer.

So I’m confident, yes, that as long as the British people, because this is a democracy, provide a budget and support these endeavors, because it does matter to their security and prosperity, that we will continue to work extremely closely together.

Now, with respect to the question of the referendum of Mr. Johnson before the referendum et cetera, the people of Britain voted. This is a democracy. We all expect a democracy. Yes, it is a fact President Obama and I both said we thought that we would be better off with a continuation of the UK’s membership within the EU, and that’s a well-known fact, but that’s not the way the people of this country voted. And we respect democracy, all of us. Therefore, it is our job to implement in the best way possible what people voted for and to try to guarantee that the response is going to meet their standard, not ours. That’s the ultimate arbiter of this.

So I am absolutely confident, yes, that post-referendum that we’re going to work together, and we talked about specific things that we need to do to try to avoid negative consequences and work on the positive ones. And I do know this, as I said earlier, and I’m not throwing this away as a casual comment of diplomacy, but I believe that Secretary Johnson brings considerable intellect and value – values – to this initiative, and I look forward to working with him.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Thank you very much, John. I think we’ve got one more question from the UK media – James (inaudible).

QUESTION: Good afternoon. A question for you both, if I may, and if I could take you back to that comment about Britain being at the back of the queue --

SECRETARY KERRY: Do you mind – mike closer? Thank you.

QUESTION: Sure. The comments about Britain being at the back of the queue – if I understood your answer right, you were saying that until we have exited the EU, you cannot begin negotiations with Britain. And therefore does that mean we are indeed still at the back of the queue, or is it possible for you to begin informal negotiations about what a British-U.S. deal might look like?

SECRETARY KERRY: No, I didn’t say that we couldn’t begin conversations or negotiate. What I said is it’s impossible to sign an agreement until the EU issue is resolved, and that obviously takes a period of time. But President Obama made it very clear the other day, as did our trade representative, Michael Froman, that we are absolutely prepared to engage in conversations because it would be irresponsible not to.

QUESTION: And in which case --

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: I really couldn’t add anything to that superb answer.

QUESTION: In which case, when you were sat down just then, did you begin those informal negotiations?

And then secondly, if I may, a domestic question for the foreign secretary. While we journalists have been gently baking in here, the new home secretary has been asked if she would recommit the government to the tens of thousands target in relation to immigration and declined to do so, saying only that she now wishes it to be reduced to sustainable levels. And I wonder if you agree that it’s time for the tens of thousands target to go.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Well, just on your first question, James, I think that Secretary Kerry, John, is completely, completely right. It is legally impossible to enter into another trade deal whilst we are in the EU. Though clearly you can begin to pencil things in, you can’t ink them in, and that’s the – that’s entirely right and proper.

On migration numbers, I think the home secretary’s entirely right to be careful about committing to numbers, because one doesn’t want to be in a position where you’re disappointing people again. But what is certainly possible post a – post leaving the EU and once we end our obligations under uncontrolled free movement, it will be possible to have a system of control, and that was what we were talking about in the referendum campaign. You can’t do that immediately, clearly, because we are still in the EU and subject to uncontrolled free movement. I’m sure that everybody here understands that.

And as for the heat of the day, it is very, very great, but we have some beautiful surplus German water cannon, so – (Laughter.)

SECRETARY KERRY: Is there something in store for me I’m not aware of? (Laughter.)

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: It’s what I feel like at the moment, actually.

SECRETARY KERRY: We all do.

Last question from the U.S. side, Gardiner Harris of The New York Times.

QUESTION: Mr. Foreign Secretary, I understand that you don’t want to revisit the past, perhaps, but you have an unusually long history of --

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: This one again.

QUESTION: -- wild exaggerations and, frankly, outright lies that I think few foreign secretaries have prior to this job. And I’m just wondering how Mr. Kerry and others should believe what you say considering this very, very long history.

And Mr. Kerry --

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: I appreciate the First Amendment and your right to free speech, but I think we need chapter and verse on this stuff. Sorry. You --

SECRETARY KERRY: No, go ahead. (Inaudible.)

QUESTION: This is what you would do if you were in my place. (Inaudible.)

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: Oh, I’m sorry. Look, I mean – let me just --

QUESTION: Let’s go.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: -- repeat my point, which is that I think people are more than welcome to rake over the stuff I’ve written over many, many years, but I think the most important thing is to get on with the very heavy agenda we have before us today and to try and sort out, if we can, some of the intensifying problems we’re seeing, particularly in Syria. And I think most people who are paying their taxes would rather that those were our priorities.

SECRETARY KERRY: You had a part of the question for --

QUESTION: Well, I think we’re all sort of – I want to go back a little bit to the trade deals. Sir, you’ve struck two different trade deals, and the United States has TPP and TTIP. You spoke at length about TTIP yesterday in Brussels. It’s an important priority for you, for the United States. Given that we’re all – the United States is already deeply invested in these two large trade deals, is there any chance that the Administration – this Administration or the next – will prioritize a trade deal with Britain over those already in the queue?

SECRETARY KERRY: It would be physically impossible to do so. I think we’ve made that clear here today. It’s not a question of discretion, it’s just it’s physically impossible to do so. Until Great Britain – until the UK is not part of the EU, it is part of the EU. It’s that simple. And so we are going to continue to negotiate with the EU, and I find that in my meeting yesterday in Brussels there was very broad support for re-engagement on the EU. And I intend to come over here – I’ll be – probably give a speech in a few of the countries in Europe regarding this, because I think there’s a mythology that has attached itself to this because we were very busy negotiating TPP, and some people sort of automatically came out and said, well, TTIP is bad because of this or bad because of that.

No. TTIP is even more important, I believe, and President Obama believes, to Europe now – much more important. And I think that it is an opportunity for us to be able to demythologize it. For instance, regulations do not go downwards. It does not usurp people’s ability to have strict standards. It embraces strict standards and it empowers people to be able to regulate their products and economies. And we have respected that in the TPP. We have increased labor rights within the TPP, and I am convinced that it is possible to address the concerns that exist within Europe with respect to TTIP. It’s just that there hasn’t been enough pro advocacy taking place with respect to how this will benefit. But for all those people who voted because they don’t think they’re getting the benefits of globalization, we believe that passing TTIP is in fact the way to begin to guarantee you will get those benefits and that there will be more of those benefits going forward.

And I’m very – feel very confident of this. I voted on any number of trade agreements since I went into the Senate in 1985, going back to NAFTA. And while they are still controversial in some places, the controversy cannot be argued to be because it doesn’t increase the market or because it doesn’t increase access to goods or because it doesn’t provide more consumer choice. It’s because, unfortunately, in certain countries, including mine, not enough of the benefits of that trade have flowed all the way up and down the economic food chain so people feel the benefit of the work that they’re doing to produce those goods. And that is a reflection of tax policy. That is a reflection of social policy. It’s a reflection of whether or not you have stabilization funds, ongoing education. There’s always a certain amount of shift and change within any economy that is modernizing and transforming. But nobody can argue legitimately that the last 30 to 40 years with respect to Europe in terms of the medicines that are available, the places people can go to get a job, the types of jobs that are available, the income levels that people have, aren’t significantly better than the world that existed before these transformations have taken place.

So we’re going to argue for it, we’re going to work for it, and we don’t believe that the current situation prevents us from being able to advance that agenda.

FOREIGN SECRETARY JOHNSON: I passionately agree with what John just had to say just now. And I think you’re absolutely right in your analysis about people not feeling that they’re sharing the benefits of globalization, and people on low income seeing their wages basically stable or in some cases declining while others are increasing. But in fact, the answer to that is to invest in skills and invest in human capital and to boost the productivity of our country. It is not – and this is a crucial thing – about the UK post-Brexit. It is not to close ourselves off or to become any less international. On the contrary, we’ve got to be more outward looking, more free trading, do more deals around the world. And you will discover, gentlemen, if you look carefully at my articles, a long article in defense and in praise of the TTIP.

Thank you very much, everybody, for coming out.

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you very much. Nice to be with you. Thank you.

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Mr. Speaker,

More than fifteen years ago, Prime Minister of India, Atal Bihari Vajpayee stood here and gave a call to step out of the ‘shadow of hesitation’ of the past.

The pages of our friendship since then tell a remarkable story.

Today, our relationship has overcome the hesitations of history.

Comfort, candour and convergence define our conversations.

Through the cycle of elections and transitions of Administrations the intensity of our engagements has only grown.

And, in this exciting journey, the U.S. Congress has acted as its compass.

You helped us turn barriers into bridges of partnership.

In the fall of 2008, when the Congress passed the India-U.S. Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement, it changed the very colours of leaves of our relationship.

We thank you for being there when the partnership needed you the most.

You have also stood by us in times of sorrow.

India will never forget the solidarity shown by the U.S. Congress when terrorists from across our border attacked Mumbai in November of 2008.

And for this, we are grateful.

Mr. Speaker,

I am informed that the working of the U.S. Congress is harmonious.

I am also told that you are well-known for your bipartisanship.

Well, you are not alone.

Time and again, I have also witnessed a similar spirit in the Indian Parliament, especially in our Upper House.

So, as you can see, we have many shared practices.

Mr. Speaker,

As this country knows well, every journey has its pioneers.

Very early on, they shaped a development partnership even when the meeting ground was more limited.

The genius of Norman Borlaug brought the Green Revolution and food security to India.

The excellence of the American Universities nurtured Institutes of Technology and Management in India.

And, I could go on.

Fast forward to today.

The embrace of our partnership extends to the entirety of human endeavour-from the depths of the oceans to the vastness of the space.

Our S&T collaboration continues to helps us in cracking the age-old problems in the fields of public health, education, food, and agriculture.

Ties of commerce and investment are flourishing. We trade more with the U.S. than with any other nation.

And, the flow of goods, services and capital between us generates jobs in both our societies.
As in trade, so in defence. India exercises with the United States more than we do with any other partner. Defence purchases have moved from almost zero to ten billion dollars in less than a decade.

Our cooperation also secures our cities and citizens from terrorists, and protects our critical infrastructure from cyber threats.

Civil Nuclear Cooperation, as I told President Obama yesterday, is a reality.

Mr. Speaker,

Our people to people links are strong; and there is close cultural connect between our societies.

SIRI tells us that India’s ancient heritage of Yoga has over 30 million practitioners in the U.S..

It is estimated that more Americans bend for yoga than to throw a curve ball.

And, no Mr. Speaker, we have not yet claimed intellectual property right on Yoga.
Connecting our two nations is also a unique and dynamic bridge of three million Indian Americans.

Today, they are among your best CEOs; academics; astronauts; scientists; economists; doctors; even spelling bee champions.

They are your strength. They are also the pride of India. They symbolize the best of both our societies.

Mr. Speaker,

My understanding of your great country began long before I entered public office.

Long before assuming office, I travelled coast to coast, covering more than 25 States of America.

I realized then that the real strength of the U.S. was in the dreams of its people and the boldness of their ambitions.

Today, Mr. Speaker, a similar spirit animates India.

Our 800 million youth, especially, are particularly impatient.

India is undergoing a profound social and economic change.

A billion of its citizens are already politically empowered.

My dream is to economically empower them through many social and economic transformations.

And, do so by 2022, the seventy-fifth anniversary of India’s independence.

My to-do list is long and ambitious. But you will understand.

It includes:
• A vibrant rural economy with robust farm sector;
• A roof over each head and electricity to all households;
• To skill millions of our youth;
• Build 100 smart cities;
• Have a broad band for a billion, and connect our villages to the digital world;
• And create a twenty-first century rail, road and port infrastructure.

These are not just aspirations; they are goals to be reached in a finite time-frame.

And, to be achieved with a light carbon foot print, with greater emphasis on renewables.

Mr. Speaker,

In every sector of India’s forward march, I see the U.S. as an indispensable partner.

Many of you also believe that a stronger and prosperous India is in America’s strategic interest.

Let us work together to convert shared ideals into practical cooperation.

There can be no doubt that in advancing this relationship, both nations stand to gain in great measure.

As the U.S. businesses search for new areas of economic growth, markets for their goods, a pool of skilled resources, and global locations to produce and manufacture, India could be their ideal partner.

India’s strong economy, and growth rate of 7.6% per annum, is creating new opportunities for our mutual prosperity.

Transformative American technologies in India and growing investment by Indian companies in the United States both have a positive impact on the lives of our citizens.

Today, for their global research and development centres, India is the destination of choice for the U.S. companies.

Looking eastward from India, across the Pacific, the innovation strength of our two countries
comes together in California.

Here, the innovative genius of America and India’s intellectual creativity are working to shape new industries of the future.

Mr. Speaker,

The 21st century has brought with it great opportunities.

But, it also comes with its own set of challenges.

Inter-dependence is increasing.

But, while some parts of the world are islands of growing economic prosperity; other are mired in conflicts.

In Asia, the absence of an agreed security architecture creates uncertainty.

Threats of terror are expanding, and new challenges are emerging in cyber and outer-space.

And, global institutions conceived in 20th century, seem unable to cope with new challenges or take on new responsibilities.

In this world full of multiple transitions and economic opportunities; growing uncertainties and political complexities; existing threats and new challenges; our engagement can make a difference by promoting:
• Cooperation not dominance;
• Connectivity not isolation;
• Respect for Global Commons;
• inclusive not exclusive mechanisms; and above all
• adherence to international rules and norms.

India is already assuming her responsibilities in securing the Indian Ocean region.
A strong India-U.S. partnership can anchor peace, prosperity and stability from Asia to Africa and from Indian Ocean to the Pacific.

It can also help ensure security of the sea lanes of commerce and freedom of navigation on seas.

But, the effectiveness of our cooperation would increase if international institutions framed with the mindset of the 20th century were to reflect the realities of today.

Mr. Speaker,

Before arriving in Washington D.C., I had visited Herat in Western Afghanistan to inaugurate Afghan-India Friendship Dam, a 42 MW hydro-electric project built with Indian assistance. I was also there on the Christmas day last year to dedicate to that proud nation its Parliament, a testimony to our democratic ties.

Afghans naturally recognize that the sacrifices of American have helped create a better life.
But, your contribution in keeping the region safe and secure is deeply appreciated even beyond.

India too has made an enormous contribution and sacrifices to support our friendship with Afghan people.

A commitment to rebuild a peaceful, and stable and prosperous Afghanistan our shared objective.

Yet, Distinguished Members, not just in Afghanistan, but elsewhere in South Asia, and globally, terrorism remains the biggest threat.

In the territory stretching from West of India’s border to Africa, it may go by different names, from Laskhar-e-Taiba, to Taliban to ISIS.

But, it’s philosophy is common: of hate, murder and violence.

Although it’s shadow is spreading across the world, it is incubated in India’s neighbourhood.

I commend the members of the U.S. Congress for sending a clear message to those who preach and practice terrorism for political gains.

Refusing to reward them is the first step towards holding them accountable for their actions.

The fight against terrorism has to be fought at many levels.

And, the traditional tools of military, intelligence or diplomacy alone would not be able to win this fight.

Mr. Speaker,

We have both lost civilians and soldiers in combating it.

The need of the hour is for us to deepen our security cooperation.

And, base it on a policy:
• that isolates those who harbour, support and sponsor terrorists;
• that does not distinguish between “good” and “bad” terrorists; and that delinks religion from terrorism.

Also, for us to succeed, those who believe in humanity must come together to fight for it as one, and speak against this menace in one voice.

Terrorism must be delegitimized.

Mr. Speaker,

The benefits of our partnership extend not just to the nations and regions that need it most.

On our own, and by combining our capacities, we are also responding to other global challenges including when disaster strikes and where humanitarian relief is needed.

Far from our shores, we evacuated thousands from Yemen, Indians, Americans and others.

Nearer home, we were the first responders during Nepal’s earthquake, in the Maldives water crisis and most recently during landslide in Sri Lanka.

We are also one of the largest contributors of troops to UN Peace Keeping Operations.

Often, India and the U.S. have combined their strengths in science, technology and innovation to help fight hunger, poverty, diseases and illiteracy in different parts of the world.

The success of our partnership is also opening up new opportunities for learning, security and development from Asia to Africa.

And, the protection of environment and caring for the planet is central to our shared vision of a just world.

For us in India, to live in harmony with mother earth is part of our ancient belief.

And, to take from nature only what is most essential is part of our civilizational ethos.

Our partnership, therefore, aims to balance responsibilities with capabilities.

And, it also focuses on new ways to increase the availability and use of renewable energy.

A strong U.S. support for our initiative to form an International Solar Alliance is one such effort.

We are working together not just for a better future for ourselves, but for the whole world.

This has also been the goal of our efforts in G-20, East Asia Summit and Climate Change summits.

Mr. Speaker and Distinguished Members

As we deepen our partnership, there would be times when we would have differing perspectives.

But, since our interests and concerns converge, the autonomy in decision making and diversity in our perspectives can only add value to our partnership.

So, as we embark on a new journey, and seek new goals, let us focus not just on matters routine but transformational ideas.

Ideas which can focus:
• Not just on creating wealth but also creating value for our societies;
• Not just on immediate gains but also long term benefits;
• Not just on sharing best practices but also shaping partnerships; and
• Not just on building a bright future for our peoples, but in being a bridge to a more united, humane and prosperous world.

And, important for the success of this journey would be a need to view it with new eyes and new sensitivities.

When we do this, we will realise the full promise of this extraordinary relationship.

Mr. Speaker,

My final thoughts and words would reiterate that our relationship is primed for a momentous future.

The constraints of the past are behind us and foundations of the future are firmly in place.
In the lines of Walt Whitman,

“The Orchestra have sufficiently tuned their instruments, the baton has given the signal.”

And to that, if I might add, there is a new symphony in play.

Thank you Mr. Speaker and Distinguished members for this honour.

Thank you very much.

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Melania Trump's full speech at the 2016 Republican National Convention

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jt_9yb4FSYA  



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J1WrM-d8Sx8&feature=player_embedded   カズオイシグロ 英 


 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=blbCggupMlY   


「変化の波を起こすスイッチの正体」 佐々木裕子 

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jQbpLVI6DwE&nohtml5=False 英→ エマワトソンHe for She 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8mAPA3YKC_A  →英用 Reasons for religion  TED  Daiko Matsuyama。



 

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東京都知事選立候補予定者 共同記者会見 2016.7.13

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CBXke4NFJG0

http://www.jnpc.or.jp/


ティム・ヒッチンズ 駐日英国大使 「BREXITとEUの未来」① 2016.7.1

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8ukb3VJ5izQ


Editorial: 'Brexit' supporters need to show flexibility


The European Union (EU) has held its first summit meeting without Britain to confirm members' basic stance toward Britain, which decided to leave the union in a recent referendum. The leaders of EU member countries have agreed not to allow Britain to cherry-pick the EU, such a participating in the free economic zone while refusing to accept immigrants.


In other words, the ball was thrown back into Britain's court. The British ruling Conservative Party has begun a leadership election to pick a successor to Prime Minister David Cameron, who has announced that he will step down to take responsibility for the British public's decision to leave the EU. However, former London Mayor Boris Johnson who was viewed as one of the most likely candidates as leader of the Conservative Party has declared that he will not run in the race.

Attention should be focused on the decision by Johnson, who was a symbolic figure in favor of "Brexit," not to run in the leadership election because the move could affect Britain's breakaway from the union.

The leaders of the 27 EU member countries, excluding Britain, have confirmed that the free movement of people, goods, money and services within the union is a single package and that no member is allowed to exclude the free movement of people.

This is the first time that the EU is experiencing a member country leaving the union. The EU cannot easily compromise with Britain in order to prevent Brexit from spurring further breakaways.

However, the EU's assertions are far removed from what British people in favor of leaving the union had envisioned before the referendum. After leaving the EU, Britain can no longer be involved in the union's decision-making processes, while continuing to be required to accept immigrants.

If Britain were to reject conditions offered by the EU, the country could not benefit from its neighboring huge market and lose its position as an international financial hub and its economic dynamism.

Now is the time for those in favor of Brexit to squarely face the reality and modify their course for the sake of the British people. While the fact that a majority of those who voted in the referendum supported Brexit should be taken seriously, it has become increasingly clear that the blueprint for a Britain independent of the EU presented by those in favor of breakaway is difficult to achieve. Quite a few people who voted to leave the EU in the referendum are now feeling "buyer's remorse" and are seeking to hold another referendum on the issue to avoid the Brexit.

Johnson's decision not to run in the Conservative Party leadership election appears to be favorable for Home Secretary Theresa May, another hopeful candidate who insists that Britain stay in the EU. Michael Gove, justice secretary and an influential figure in favor of Brexit, who decided to run in the leadership race in place of Johnson, should put his upmost efforts into creating a blueprint for Britain, over which the country could agree with the EU.

Fortunately, the EU has given more than a two-month grace period to Britain until the next prime minister is elected to initiate the process of leaving the union. Once Britain enters the process, the country can no longer reverse the move. There may be some EU members hoping that Britain will reconsider its decision to leave the union.

Since Britain caused great confusion to the EU and the world, British political leaders should take advantage of the grace period to explore ways to minimize the chaos.


英国の針路 離脱派は柔軟に修正を


欧州連合(EU)が初めて英国抜きの首脳会議を開いた。国民投票でEU離脱を決めた英国に対する基本方針を確認するためだ。移民は受け入れないが、EUの自由経済圏には参加する、といった「いいとこ取り」は認めない厳格さで結束した。


 ボールは英国のコートに投げ返された形だ。その英国では辞意を表明したキャメロン首相の後継者を決める保守党党首選が始まったが、有力候補と目されていたボリス・ジョンソン前ロンドン市長が、立候補見送りを表明した。

 離脱派の象徴的存在だったジョンソン氏の不出馬は、英国のEU離脱そのものに影響を与える可能性があり注目したい。

 英国を除くEU27カ国の首脳が提示した方針はこうだ。単一市場がもたらす「人、モノ、カネ、サービス」の域内の自由な行き来はあくまでセットで、人の自由移動だけ除外するご都合主義は許されない、ということである。

 初の離脱手続きを経験するEUだ。次なる離脱を誘発しないためにも、そう簡単に譲歩はできない。

 だが、EU側の主張は英国の離脱派が国民投票前に描いてみせた姿とかけ離れている。EUからついに離脱できたと思ったら、移民の受け入れは今と変わらず、しかもEUのさまざまな意思決定には参加できないことになるのだ。

 ではEU側の条件を拒否すればどうなるか。隣接する巨大市場のうまみを享受できず、英経済は国際金融センターとしての地位低下も含め、活力を失いかねない。

 離脱派は現実を直視し、英国民のために路線を修正する時ではないか。国民投票で離脱票が過半を占めた事実は重いが、離脱派が示した英国の実現が困難なことが明らかになってきたのだ。国民投票の再実施など、離脱回避を求める声が離脱を支持した人の中にも少なくない。

 ジョンソン氏の不出馬は、EU残留支持で同じく有力候補のテリーザ・メイ内相に有利に働きそうだ。同氏、そして、急きょジョンソン氏に代わり立候補を表明した離脱派の有力者、マイケル・ゴーブ司法相にも、EU側と合意可能な海図の作製に全力を尽くすよう求めたい。

 英国にとって明るい材料は、EU側が、新首相が決まるまでの2カ月あまりを事実上、猶予したことだ。ひとたび離脱行程に入れば、逆戻りできなくなる。EUの中にも本音では、離脱以外の道が浮上することを期待する思いがあるのではないか。

 大混乱を招いたのである。英国の指導層には、この猶予期間を最大限生かし、傷を浅くする策を見いだしてもらいたい。

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Theresa May: First speech as Prime Minister

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FDyZ8trge2E


I have just been to Buckingham Palace where Her Majesty the Queen has asked me to form a new government, and I accepted.

In David Cameron, I follow in the footsteps of a great, modern prime minister. Under David's leadership, the government stabilized the economy, reduced the budget deficit, and helped more people into work than ever before.

But David's true legacy is not about the economy, but about social justice. From the introduction of same-sex marriage, to taking people on low wages out of income tax altogether.

David Cameron has led a one nation government and it is in that spirit that I also plan to lead. Because not everybody knows this, but the full title of my party is the Conservative and Unionist Party. And that word Unionist is very important to me. It means we believe in the Union. That precious, precious bond between England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.

But it means something else that is just as important. It means that we believe in a Union not just of the nations of the United Kingdom, but between all of our citizens. Every one of us, whoever we are and wherever we are from.

That means fighting against the burning injustice that if you are born poor, you will die on average nine years earlier than others. If you're black, you're treated more harshly by the criminal justice system than if you are white. If you're a white, working-class boy, you're less likely than anyone else in Britain to go to university. If you're at a state school, you're less likely to reach the top professions than if you were educated privately.

If you are a woman, you will earn less than a man. If you suffer from mental health problems, there's not enough help to hand. If you're young, you'll find it harder than ever before to own your own home.

But the mission to make Britain a country that works for everyone means more than just fighting these injustices.

If you're from an ordinary working-class family, life is much harder than many people in Westminster realize. You have the job, but you don't always have the job security. You have your own home, but you worry about paying the mortgage. You can just about manage, but you worry about the cost of living and getting your kids into a good school.

If you're one of those families. If you're just managing. I want to address you directly. I know you're working around the clock, I know you're doing your best, and I know that sometimes, life can be a struggle. The government I lead will be driven not by the interests of a privileged few, but by yours.

We will do everything we can to give you more control over your lives. When we take the big calls, we'll think not of the powerful but you. When we pass new laws, we'll listen not to the mighty, but you. When it comes to taxes we'll prioritize not the wealthy, but you. When it comes to opportunity, we won't entrench the advantages of the fortunate few. We will do everything we can to help anybody, whatever your background, to go as far as your talents will take you.

We are living through an important moment in our country's history. Following the referendum we face a time of great national change. And I know because we're Great Britain, we will rise to the challenge.

As we leave the European Union, we will forge a bold, new positive role for ourselves in the world. And we will make Britain a country that works not for a privileged few, but for every one of us.

That will be the mission of the government I lead, and together, we will build a better Britain

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Grandes Consejos Carlos Kasuga (((YAKULT))) Parte 1

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-NH_HJzad-8


Muy buenas noches a todos, en realidad me siento muy honrado de poder tomar la palabra en este recinto legislativo dado que, yo soy hijo de unos inmigrantes japoneses que tuvieron la visión, la dicha de escoger este hermoso país, y que con moldes japoneses me hicieron aquí en mejico soy de fabricación japonesa pero orgullosamente hecho en mejico.


Esto me dio la gran oportunidad de vivir en un hogar netamente japones con idioma , costumbres, tradiciones japonesas y lógicamente desarrollarme en el medio nacional. Somos empresario desde los 20 años, empezamos con una pequeña fabrica de juguetes inflables, salvavidas, pelotas de playa y con orgullo les puedo decir que en mi juventud nos atrevimos a construir los 5 aros olímpicos de la olimpiada de mejico , que eran unas salvavidotas de 25 de diámetro cada una las cuales se inflaron con helio y que ese 12 de octubre del 68 se soltaron en el todavía cielo azul de la ciudad azul de la ciudad de mejico y actualmente estamos dirigiendo la empresa Yakult que gracias al consumo de muchos de ustedes estamos vendiendo mas de 3 millones quinientos mil frasquitos diarios.


Pero miren, para tener una empresa de calidad, una familia de calidad una institución de calidad, un país de calidad lo primero que tenemos que hacer es empezar con nosotros mismos y con nuestra gente de ir formando hombres de calidad total y para ello se necesitan seguir 4 pasos
El primer paso es el bien ser. Del ser puntuales ,del ser honesto, del ser disciplinados del ser trabajadores , del ser estudiosos
el segundo pase, es el bien hacer. Todo lo que hagas hazlo bien desde un principio; Si te vas a levantarte hazlo bien, si te vas a bañar hazlo bien, si te vas a despedir de tu pareja , de tus hijos
hazlo bien, como si hoy fuera el ultimo día que lo vas a poder hacer. Abrázalos, bésalos, dales lo mejor de ti. Si vas a trabajar hazlo bien, si vas a estudiar, hazlo bien, si vas a jugar al fútbol, hazlo bien, métele cuatro goles al argentina al menos y si en la noche van a hacer el amor también háganlo bien.
Y las personas que dan mas de lo que reciben, a sus hijos, a su familia , a su sociedad van a sentir el tercer paso que es el bienestar, que es sinónimo de felicidad. Y ojalá todos terminemos todos los
días x(se antes de entrar a descansar?)x sintiendo este bienestar que es sinónimo de felicidad porque dimos lo mejor de nosotros todos los días a la sociedad y eso nos hace sentir un bienestar. Y las personas que siguen estos 3 pasos del bien ser,bien hacer y bienestar tarde o temprano legan a tener el bien tener. Por favor no busquemos el tener rápido y fácil sin haberlo hecho bien y mucho menos sin sentirse bien, porque de eso como ustedes saben ya esta lleno xxxxxx y ya no cabe otro xxxx(chango?) mas ahí
Ahora yo creo que la diferencia entre los empresarios y nuestra manera de ser en mejico con la del país de mis padres están en el primer punto del bien ser. Miren, el error que yo veo que tiene el
sistema educativo nacional de la secretaria nacional publica y de muchas universidades tanto publicas como privadas es que solo damos educación de conocimientos. Lo que nos hace falta es
dar educación de valores, educación formativa. Por ejemplo en las escuelas japonesas, no hay gente que haga el aseo, son los mismos chicos los que hacen el aseo de su escuela como lo hacemos
también en el liceo mejicano japones aquí en Mejico. Se les enseña como agarrar la escoba, como palanquear la escoba, como exprimir una jerga, como gastar menos agua...porque señores la calidad
empieza siempre desde la limpieza, la productividad empieza siempre desde la limpieza , la salud empieza siempre desde la limpieza, la ecología empieza siempre desde la limpieza. Pero vean como
educamos en nuestras escuelas, a los chicos que mas mal se han portado en la hora del recreo que fueron felipe xxx y enrique, la maestra les dice, “ahora les castigo y ahora van a recoger toda la
basura del patio” y hacen creer a los chicos que recoger basura es un castigo, que es de gente mala y es por eso que vean cómo tenemos nuestras calles, nuestros parques, nuestros ríos que parecen drenajes nuestros mares y nuestros bosques. Cuando debemos enseñar a nuestra juventud a nuestros trabajadores , a nuestros hijos que la virtud mas noble que debe tener el ser humano es la limpieza.
También hablando del tiempo, se les enseña que cuando nosotros nacimos, cuando ustedes nacieron, inmediatamente nuestros padres nos abrieron un cuentón de medio millón, pero no de medio millón
de dolares, ni medio millón de pesos. Nos abrieron un cuento de medio millón de horas de vida depende de cada uno de nosotros si esas horas las gastamos o las invertimos. Desgraciadamente hay
muchos chicos que gastan sus horas. Y el día de hoy nada mas tiene 24 horas, de las cuales debemos siempre invertir, trabajando , estudiando, leyendo como nos hace falta leer, leer, observar y
cuestionar. Y la vida es sabia, va a premiar con muy buenos dividendos a aquellos individuos que hayan sabido invertir su tiempo. Pero la vida también es muy cruel y nos va a cobrar fuertes
intereses a aquellas personas que solo se hayan atrevido a gastar su tiempo. Yo creo platicadles(?) lo que es el país de mis padres, japón es del tamaño de chihuahua con aguas calientes ,nada mas, en el
cual viven 127 millones de japonesitos, de su territorio no sale una gota de petroleo. Mejico nos da 3 millones de barrilotes diarios a los mejores precios, pero hay pobreza . Es un gran productor de
automóviles, de electrodomésticos, de infinidad productos que han invadido el mundo, el indice de longevidad mas alto del mundo , el indice de criminalidad mas bajo del mundo y el indice de ahorro
per capita mas alto del mundo. Y porque un país sin recursos naturales, ¿puede llegar a ser una gran potencia económica mundial?se debe nada mas y nada menos a esta educación formativa que si
aprovechamos este bicentenario de la independencia de Mejico y este centenario de la revolución mejicana y todos y cada uno de nosotros hacemos una revolución interna, una evolución interna de
dar mas a los que nos merecemos Mejico tiene todo, todo para ser una gran potencia mundial.
También se nos enseña de que si no es tuyo debe ser de alguien

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Narendra Modi Superb Speech on addresses joint meeting of U S Congress in Washington DC

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dW0TjvDbam8



Paul Ryan – House of Representatives Speaker

Members of Congress, I have the high privilege and the distinct honor in presenting to you His Excellency Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of the Republic of India.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Distinguished Members of the U.S. Congress, ladies and gentlemen.

I am deeply honored by the invitation to address this Joint Meeting of the U.S. Congress. Thank you, Mr. Speaker for opening the doors of this magnificent Capitol.

This temple of democracy has encouraged and empowered other democracies the world over. It manifests the spirit of this great nation, which in Abraham Lincoln’s words, “was conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.”

In granting me this opportunity, you have honored the world’s largest democracy and its 1.25 billion people. As a representative of world’s largest democracy, it is indeed a privilege to speak to the leaders of its oldest.

Mr. Speaker, two days ago, I began my visit by going to the Arlington National Cemetery, the final resting place of many brave soldiers of this great land. I honored their courage and sacrifice for the ideals of freedom and democracy. It was also the seventy-second Anniversary of the D-Day. On that day, thousands from this great country fought to protect the torch of liberty. They sacrificed their lives so that the

world lives in freedom. I applaud — India applauds, the great sacrifices of the men and women from ‘The Land of the Free and the Home of the Brave’ in service of mankind.

India knows what this means because our soldiers have fallen in distant battlefields for the same ideals. That is why the threads of freedom and liberty form a strong bond between our two democracies.

Mr. Speaker, our nations may have been shaped by diverse histories, cultures, and faiths. Yet, our belief in democracy for our nations and liberty for our countrymen is common. The idea that all citizens are created equal is a central pillar of the American constitution. Our founding fathers too shared the same belief and sought individual liberty for every citizen of India.

There were many who doubted India when, as a newly independent nation, we reposed our faith in democracy. Indeed, wagers were made on our future. But, the people of India did not waver.

Our founders created a modern nation with freedom, democracy, and equality as the essence of its soul. And, in doing so, they ensured that we continued to celebrate our age old diversity.

Today, across its individuals and institutions, in its villages and cities, in streets and states, are anchored in equal respect for all faiths; and in the melody of hundreds of its languages and dialects. India lives as one; India grows as one; India celebrates as one.

Mr. Speaker, modern India is in its 70th year. For my government, the Constitution is its real holy book. And, in that holy book, freedom of faith, speech and franchise, and equality of all citizens, regardless of background, are enshrined as fundamental rights. 800 million of my countrymen may exercise the freedom of franchise once every five years. But, all the 1.25 billion of our citizens have freedom from fear, a freedom they exercise every moment of their lives.

Distinguished Members, engagement between our democracies has been visible in the manner in which our thinkers impacted one another, and shaped the course of our societies. Thoreau’s idea of civil disobedience influenced our political thoughts. And, similarly the call by the great sage of India Swami Vivekananda to embrace humanity was most famously delivered in Chicago. Gandhi’s non-violence inspired the heroism of Martin Luther King.

Today, a mere distance of 3 miles separates the Martin Luther King memorial at Tidal Basin from the statue of Gandhi at Massachusetts Avenue. This proximity of their memorials in Washington mirrors the closeness of ideals and values they believed in. The genius of Dr. Bhimrao — Babasaheb Ambedkar was nurtured in the years he spent at the Columbia University a century ago. The impact of the U.S. constitution on him was reflected in his drafting of the Indian constitution some three decades later.

Our independence was ignited by the same idealism that fuelled your struggle for freedom. No wonder then that former Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee called India and the U.S. ‘natural allies’. No wonder that the shared ideals and common philosophy of freedom shaped the bedrock of our ties. No wonder then, that President Obama has called our ties the defining partnership of the 21st century.

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Statement and poem by Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner, Climate Summit 2014 - Opening Ceremony

https://www.youtube.com/watch?list=UU5O114-PQNYkurlTg6hekZw&v=mc_IgE7TBSY  


Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner
Iakwe kom aolep. My family and I have travelled a long way to be here today – all the way from
the Marshall Islands.
The Marshall Islands encompasses more than two million square kilometers of ocean, and so it
makes sense that our culture is one of voyaging and navigation. One of our most beloved legends
features a canoe race between ten brothers. Their mother, holding a heavy bundle, begged each
of her sons for a ride on their canoe. But only the youngest listened and took her along for the
ride, not knowing that his mother was carrying the first sail.
With the sail, he won the race and became chief. The moral of the story is to honor your mother,
and the challenges life brings.
Climate change is a challenge that few want to take on. But the price of inaction is so high.
Those of us from Oceania are already experiencing it firsthand. We’ve seen waves crashing into
our homes and our breadfruit trees wither from the salt and drought. We look at our children and
wonder how they will know themselves, or their culture, should we lose our islands.
Climate change affects not only us islanders. It threatens the entire world.
To tackle it, we need a radical change of course. This isn’t easy, I know. It means ending carbon
pollution within my lifetime. It means supporting those of us most affected to prepare for
unavoidable climate impacts. And it means taking responsibility for irreversible loss and damage
caused by greenhouse gas emissions.
The people who support this movement are indigenous mothers like me, families like mine, and
millions more standing up for the changes needed, and working to make them happen.
I ask world leaders to take us all along on your ride. We won't slow you down. We'll help you
win the most important race of all. The race to save humanity.
I would now like to share with you a poem that I have written for my daughter, Matafele Peinam.


Dear Matefele Peinam
by Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner
dear matafele peinam,
you are a seven month old sunrise of gummy smiles
you are bald as an egg and bald as the buddha
you are thunder thighs and lightning shrieks
so excited for bananas, hugs and
our morning walks past the lagoon
dear matafele peinam,
i want to tell you about that lagoon
that lucid, sleepy lagoon lounging against the sunrise
some men say that one day
that lagoon will devour you
they say it will gnaw at the shoreline
chew at the roots of your breadfruit trees
gulp down rows of your seawalls
and crunch your island’s shattered bones
they say you, your daughter
and your granddaughter, too
will wander rootless
with only a passport to call home
dear matafele peinam,
don’t cry
mommy promises you
no one
will come and devour you
no greedy whale of a company sharking through
political seas
no backwater bullying of businesses with broken morals no blindfolded
bureaucracies gonna push
this mother ocean over
the edge


no one’s drowning, baby
no one’s moving
no one’s losing
their homeland
no one’s gonna become
a climate change refugee
or should i say
no one else
to the carteret islanders of papua new guinea
and to the taro islanders of fiji
i take this moment
to apologize to you
we are drawing the line here
because baby we are going to fight
your mommy daddy
bubu jimma your country and president too
we will all fight
and even though there are those
hidden behind platinum titles
who like to pretend
that we don’t exist
that the marshall islands
tuvalu
kiribati
maldives
and typhoon haiyan in the philippines
and floods of pakistan, algeria, and colombia
and all the hurricanes, earthquakes, and tidalwaves
didn’t exist
still
there are those
who see us
hands reaching out
fists raising up
banners unfurling
megaphones booming
and we are
canoes blocking coal ships
we are
the radiance of solar villages
we are
the rich clean soil of the farmer’s past
we are
petitions blooming from teenage fingertips
we are
families biking, recycling, reusing,
engineers dreaming, designing, building,
artists painting, dancing, writing
we are spreading the word
and there are thousands out on the street
marching with signs
hand in hand
chanting for change NOW
they’re marching for you, baby
they’re marching for us
because we deserve to do more than just
survive
we deserve
to thrive

dear matafele peinam,
you are eyes heavy
with drowsy weight
so just close those eyes, baby
and sleep in peace
because we won’t let you down
you’ll see

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I--FXxzUR0o  

High Level Leaders’ Roundtable 7: Women and Girls - Catalysing Action to Achieve Gender Equality

Istanbul Congress Centre, Turkey, 24th May 2016

A healthy society is, by definition, unachievable if it is based on the marginalisation of women and girls.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Gender equality is fundamental for every aspect of sustainable development, it gives us our best prospects for eliminating global hunger, reducing and recovering from conflict, and must be central to all humanitarian action. The opportunity of the World Humanitarian Summit must be seized upon to galvanise action and achieve the transformative change.

That will not evolve as we are. It requires conscious agitation and politically won change. We must unequivocally recognise that gender equality is a right and not a gift. We must place the dignity and participation of women and girls as rights, values in consciousness and at the heart of all of our actions globally. We can ensure this by delivering these principles into policy by ensuring that the commitments made here today constitute much more than compassionate words on a page.

Gender inequality is not a new challenge. Despite some progress since the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, it remains the most persistent and prevalent form of human rights violation in today’s world.

Last September, global leaders decisively re-affirmed their commitment to achieving gender equality and women’s empowerment, by enshrining gender equality into the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

Indeed it simply should not be necessary to state at the World Humanitarian Summit to make statements that we need renewed global agreement; that the human rights of women and girls must be a central goal of our humanitarian efforts, and must inform every stage in our planning and action in development, conflict prevention and post conflict reconstruction. Yet the inadequate allocation of a derisory level of funding for its achievement makes it necessary.

A healthy society is, by definition, unachievable if it is based on the marginalisation of women and girls. We cannot achieve the

Secretary General’s ambitious Agenda for Humanity, if we are not successful in addressing and eliminating, disempowerment, inequality, and gender based violence.

We must start our discussions by recognising that we are not doing enough. That we cannot achieve our aims from continuing as we are. Matters in their worst aspect are in fact worsening. At this moment, rape continues to be persistently used and has increased as a weapon of war; shameful rates of maternal and infant malnutrition persist in many countries; in others, women have no rights or means to control their own fertility. The position of women in transit and their acute vulnerability to exploitation and violence, as well as the vulnerability of their children to denial of basic rights to health and education – in Europe and elsewhere – is a cause for the greatest concern.

We must recognise, too, the deep, structural problems that underpin gender inequality. We must address the assumptions that have left women insecure and powerless on issues of land ownership and control, access to credit, and access to safe water and fuel, which are associated with women’s vulnerability to violence in so many countries. We must recognise that distorted versions of culture are still used to justify the most egregious violations of women’s rights in many regions.

It is in this context of acute and profound need that we have to face the uncomfortable fact that last year just 0.5 of one per cent of humanitarian funding was spent on addressing gender-based violence.

Just 1 per cent of all funding to fragile states in 2015 went to women’s groups or government ministries of women.

Only 43 per cent of women in emergencies have access to reproductive health services, despite the fact that 60 per cent of women who die in pregnancy and childbirth are found in crisis zones. This is simply not good enough. We all, governments, their peoples, and representative institutions, must do so much more.

In Ireland’s term as a member of the UN Human Rights Council, from 2013, Ireland has tried to highlight the right of all girls to quality education, emphasised the central priority of promoting women’s participation in decision-making at all levels, and stressed the importance of eradicating harmful practices, especially female genital mutilation.

We all have much to do. Every nation has steps to take in achieving gender equality. It is in this spirit that Ireland fully endorses all five proposed core commitments for this roundtable. In addition, Ireland specifically commits to promote the empowered participation of women, in particular in situations of fragility and protracted crises.

We will ensure that the promotion of universal access to reproductive healthcare is included in our humanitarian action. Ireland will foster systematic learning and capacity through continued active engagement in the Irish Consortium on Gender Based Violence and the Call to Action on Gender Based Violence.

In all aspects of our aid programme, we will apply internationally recognised standards, so that gender equality, women’s empowerment, and sexual and gender based violence are fully addressed. We will fully implement our National Action Plan on Women Peace and Security.

I was honoured, last year, as President of Ireland, to accept the invitation to be a champion of UN Women’s He-for-She campaign.

In that context I wish to convey a simple but essential message: men must demonstrate leadership to achieve universal gender equality.

In the Irish language, we say, ‘ní neart go cur le chéile’ – our strength lies in unity, our social solidarity. If we cannot address exclusion or disadvantage together, men and women in partnership, we will perpetuate social weakness rather than achieve social cohesion.

I urge the leaders around this table, to champion the ambition of equality to benefit all of society. We must strengthen the momentum for change in our diplomatic practice and in our action. We have been offered a vision of how we can achieve equality, in policy, in relation to funding, and in our practice. If we do not seize this opportunity to realise that vision, our commitments here will amount to empty rhetoric, and, dare I say it, an exercise in bad faith.

Thank you.

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